Kenyan Politicians: A case study of the late Henry Pius Masinde Muliro
Kenya has a rich history of local governance, both from ethnic group traditions and the system set up during the British colonial era, when local governments were fairly autonomous and had significant revenue sources. However, after independence when Kenya's economy and population growth accelerated, demands were so heavy that some local governments could not deliver key services adequately. This situation, combined with the central government's desire for political consolidation to minimize ethnic power conflicts that increased in the postcolonial era, prompted the government to weaken local authorities (Jackson 2004). Key services were recentralized, and the local graduated personal tax (GPT) was taken over by the center. Grants were established to compensate local governments for their revenue losses, but they were gradually phased out. Control over local governments expanded, with few spending, revenue, or employment decisions permitted without scrutiny by the Ministry of Local Government (MLG). In spite of their generally diminished status during the past three decades, some local governments in Kenya have continued to provide basic services, such as water, local roads, solid-waste collection, preprimary schools, etc. They have also maintained significant sources of revenue, particularly property rates, and continue to be governed by largely elected local councils (Olowu & Wunsch 2004).
Kenya has long been among the most fiscally independent local government systems in Africa and, more generally, in the developing world. But the local governments have increasingly developed a reputation for corruption and poor service delivery. Kenya's dual economy persists, although its traditional economy is under greater stress. For example, many educated members of the more affluent formal sector owe their educations to their clans or communities, who anticipated recompense for their sacrifices when favored sons were in positions to dispense patronage. Because this kind of payback is often seen as corruption, policy reforms that seek to remove corruption often fail when they arise from a different cultural context (Phillips & Seck 2004). Efficiency reforms may be seen as removing the raison d'être of sacrifices that have enabled the poor to progress. Further, the abiding importance of social capital within a political constituency means that espousing such reforms may jeopardize a politician's career. The conflict between public and private costs and benefits is complicated by the fact that outcomes are measured differently and in non comparable ways by each grouping. While the responsiveness of local taxes to economic growth is limited by administrative factors, yields can also fall dramatically during downturns due to the nature of the local economy. This is evident in councils with heavy direct reliance on agricultural taxes, but even more stable taxes can also be affected where agriculture and subsistence lifestyles predominate and formal-sector savings are limited (Hansen & Vaa 2004). A politician that made an impact to Kenya is Henry Pius Masinde Muliro. Born in 1922 at Kimilili location in Elgon Nyanza, the son of a Mluyia peasant farmer, he was educated in Uganda and at the University of Cape Town, where he took degrees in History, Philosophy and Education (Ainslie, Hoskyns & Segal 2004).
Returning to Kenya in 1954 to teach at the African Girls School in Kikuyu and then at the Siriba Teacher Training College, in March 1957, he won the North Nyanza seat to the Kenya Legislative Council in the first African constituency elections. He became increasingly restless, however, and dissatisfied with the policies pursued by the African Elected Members. A Member of the delegation from the multi-racial Constituency Elected Members Organization which went in May 1959 to petition the Colonial Secretary, on his return to Kenya he took an active part in developing C.E.M.O. into the Kenya National Party (K.N.P.), which had the support initially of all the African and Asian Elected Members and of the European Member for the Coast. When the most influential African Members withdrew because of a disagreement over land policy and formed the more radical Kenya Independence Movement, Muliro became President of K.N.P. His moderate policies aroused no response; and in an attempt to win African support, he asked the Asian office-bearers of K.N.P. to resign their posts. In the end he abandoned the organization to form a common front with the other African Members for the Kenya Constitutional Conference in January 1960. After the Conference, however, he refused to join with other Members in the formation of a country-wide African party, later to be the Kenya African National Union (K.A.N.U.), stating that it was essential for democracy that there should be two parties. Instead he helped to form the Kenya African Democratic Union (K.A.D.U.), as an alliance of the smaller tribes against what he claimed to be the domination of the Luo and the Kikuyu; and when the party was registered in August 1960, he became Deputy President. Elections in February 1961 provided for an African majority in the Legislative Council. Muliro was elected for Elgon Nyanza; K.A.D.U. won 11 seats to K.A.N.U.'s 18, showing support in the rural areas outside Luo and Kikuyu control. K.A.N.U. refused to help form a government unless Kenyatta was released, but K.A.D.U. agreed in April 1961; Muliro became Minister of Commerce, Industry and Communications (Ainslie, Hoskyns & Segal 2004).
References
Ainslie, R, Hoskyns, C & Segal, R 2004, Political Africa: A
Who's Who of personalities and parties, Frederick A. Praeger,
New York.
Hansen, K & Vaa, M 2004, Reconsidering informality: Perspectives
from urban Africa, Nordic African Institute, Uppsala
Jackson, T 2004, Management and change in Africa: A cross-
cultural perspective, Routledge, New York
Olowu, D & Wunsch, JS (eds.) 2004, Local governance in Africa:
The challenges of democratic decentralization, Lynne Rienner,
Boulder, CO.
Phillips, L & Seck, D 2004, Fixing African economies: Policy
research for development, Lynne Rienner, Boulder, CO.
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