Research Korner: Dissertation Chapter 2 Examples

THESIS CHAPTER 2 ON THE ROLE OF GLOBALIZATION IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF GLOBAL BRAND ENTITIES

CHAPTER 2 Review of Related Literature If we learn anything from the history of economic development, it is that culture makes almost all the difference (Harrison and Huntington, 2000). Yet culture, in the sense of the inner values and attitudes that guide a population, frightens scholars. It has a sulfuric odor of race and inheritance, an air of immutability. In thoughtful moments, economists and other social scientists recognize that this is not true, and indeed they salute examples of cultural change for the better while deploring changes for the worse (Harrison and Huntington, 2000). But applauding or deploring implies the passivity of the viewer--an inability to use knowledge to shape people and things. The technician would rather change interest and exchange rates, free up trade, alter political institutions, manage. Besides, criticisms of culture cut close to the ego and injure identity and self-esteem (Harrison and Huntington, 2000), not only on the individual level but on an entire country. Because culture and economic performance are linked, changes in one will work back on the other. Global branding propelled by the economic activity of globalization paved the way for an integrated market that crosses cultural borders. As such, the focus on the local brands had been diminished and dwarfed by the multi-national companies who are more powerful in terms of brand recall and financial stability. Thus, their ability to manipulate cultural preferences is enhanced. Issues such as national identity and local fashion culture had been the main argument against the entry of global brands in the local market. However, its inevitability is in the offing. Klamer (1996) contended that his impression that the standard economic approach to national identity is a mess. It wobbles between the assumption of irrelevance of nationhood to rational behavior of firms, families and governments and implicit nationalism (national income, national competitiveness, and so on); between reduction of national identification to maximization of wealth or welfare and non-economic explanation, and between seeing nations as bearers of modernization and as primitive, anti-capitalist forces (Klamer, 1996). Further, the mess is unwarranted, since economic science in the sense of political economy contains the intellectual credentials and advanced tools of analysis to indigenize national identity and to enrich both its own stock of knowledge and the insight of the public (Klamer, 1996). Ferguson’s (1992) central premise about media globalization and nations in particular espouses that a globalist market need not necessarily be contained on a cultural universalism but rather, the reality would remain that there will always be economic nationalism. As such, there is no actual economic anarchy but a competitive economic nationalism focused on information and cultural industries that drives global capitalism into the twenty-first century (Ferguson, 1992). Such contradictions point to continuing problems with beliefs about globalization as the definitional force majeur of late-twentieth-century life. Nations and nationalism, like ethnics and tribalism, far from dissolving into a system of impersonal economic or technological forces or culturally fragmented spheres, have rarely been as visible or potent (Ferguson, 1992). The counter-arguments from globalist true believers, even critics, cite media technology, popular culture, markets, and consumption flow data as irrefutable signifiers of a more interdependent global capitalist system and consumer marketplace (Ferguson, 1992). However, when we look behind the rhetorical curtain of market globalism, we find neither the material condition nor its assumed impact to be as inevitable or universal as alleged. Globalism and localism co-exist in the 1990s in a context of transnational economic interdependence fed by direct foreign investment (DFI), common patterns of material and cultural consumption, and a pervasive, global information and entertainment system of satellite, computer, cable, VCR, telephone, fax, television, and digital technologies (Ferguson, 1992). The Language of Clothing An individual's clothing expresses meaning, contrary to what others saw as "a picture is worth a thousand words" and generally concede that dress and ornament are elements in a communication system. Social scientists recognize that a person's attire can indicate either conformity or resistance to socially defined expectations for behavior (Rubenstein, 1995). Writing on the changes that occurred in the early part of the nineteenth century in London and Paris, Richard Sennett (1974 cited in Rubenstein, 1995) pointed out that standardized modes of dress offered a protective "cover-up" at a time when the distinction between private space and public space first emerged. When one lived and worked among strangers rather than family members, there was a need to protect one's self and one's inner feelings. Wearing the expected mode of dress enabled individuals to move easily among the various spheres of social life(Rubenstein, 1995). There has always been some awareness of the role clothing plays in social life but the ways in which visual images direct, affect, and reflect societal, cultural, and personal discourse have not been fully appreciated. In his article "Fashion," George Simmel ( [1904] 1957 cite in Rubenstein, 1995) observed that fashion, the latest desired appearance, allows for personal modification, enabling the individual to pursue competing desires for group identity and individual expression. There is no institution, "no law, no estate of life which can uniformly satisfy the opposing principles of uniformity and individuality better than fashion." The self is also an audience, and clothing allows individuals to view themselves as social objects. By extricating the self from a setting or situation, the individual can scrutinize the image he or she presents in view of the social response that is desired. This separation and objectification, in turn, allows the individual to correct the image if necessary (Rubenstein, 1995). Although thrones, crowns, and pageantry are mostly gone, and the structure and expression of social life have changed, the inner necessities that animate social life have not (Rubenstein, 1995). Clothing signs enable a political authority, such as the police, to define itself and advance its claims. In the form of a visual image that transmits meaning, a clothing sign provides the cultural frame within which the political authority can function. Required attire, clothing signs specify a range of feelings and behaviors that are expected (Rubenstein, 1995) Familiarity with these images makes the existence of clothing signs inconspicuous, often too mundane to be consciously noted. More likely to be noticed are changes, increases or decreases, in the use of clothing signs (Rubenstein. 1995). Clothing symbols may also be misinterpreted and their meaning trivialized. Clothing symbols are an important component of a people's cultural heritage (Rubenstein, 1995).   The Emergence of Fashion Culture Rubenstein (1995) outlined the emergence of a fashion culture by tracing it to the early royalties. The court of Philip the Good, duke of Burgundy (d. 1467), is considered "the cradle" of fashion. Philip exploited the resources available in the territory he controlled to create new clothing styles. Until this time Paris had been the center of luxurious court dress. As mentioned, the International Gothic Style had been generated in Paris in about 1380, and attire in this style was worn in many of the courts in Europe, which were connected through a complex system of politics and marriage. After the beginning of the fifteenth century, however, Paris was eclipsed as the center of court dress by the court in the northern French duchy of Burgundy. This area lay along the spine of Europe, directly within the Mediterranean trade route for goods being transported to the North Sea and England. 3 People, talent, and commodities flowed into its markets. Members of the court took increased interest in their clothes, adorning themselves with elaborate costumes to display wealth and an awareness of style (Rubenstein, 1995) In the post-Civil War years, the boundary between youth and old age began to break down. The separate forces of feminism and the commercial beauty culture were behind the changes in society's perception of older women (Rubenstein, 1995). Fashion magazines and beauty advice books recommended that women of all ages should be permitted and even encouraged to look as young as they wished (Rubenstein, 1995). Fashion urges people to deconstruct the cultural attitudes that had been with their society for a long time. The fashion industry urged people to transform their clothed appearance in accordance with a set of quite traditional body ideals and signifiers of femininity, marketed to them as entirely new (Maynard, 1995). For instance, these ideals, spelled out via a rhetorical language and imagery expressing ideas about women's individualized sexuality and self-fulfillment, were conceptualized in the fashion for the 'New Look'--a style nevertheless redolent with references to the upper-bourgeois fashions of the late nineteenth century (Maynard, 1995). The style constituted part of the historical shifts marking out feminine desirability, increasingly defined during the 1930s and 1940s in terms of the dynamics of heterosexual attractiveness. The new femininity of 'sex appeal', and its 'Look', was significant in that it signaled changes to the ideals of femininity of previous decades, towards more modern incitements to sexual pleasure, especially suited to youthful consumers (Maynard, 1995). The style in question, initially conceived by the couture industry in Paris, and later given the label of the 'New Look' by the Americans, was a deliberate and nostalgic evocation of the luxury of the Belle Epoque in the years leading up to the First World War (Maynard, 1995). Picture Post, in 1947, described in glowing terms this vanished era which the 'Look' recalled. The new lavish use of furs, brocades like shimmering moonlight, glittering gold, silver and pearl-encrusted embroidery, and rustling taffetas, covered with cobweb fine lace, marked a return to the days when fashion was the prerogative of the wealthy, leisured woman and not the everyday concern of the typist, saleswoman, or housewife (Maynard, 1995). The American and World Culture There is a good chance that you or someone close to you is wearing clothing imported from Latin America. A quick check of the label may reveal that it is a shirt from the Gap made in Honduras, a pair of Lee Ryder jeans made in Brazil, Bali underpants made in Guatemala, a Levi's golf shirt made in the Dominican Republic, or a Haggar sports jacket made in Colombia (Figueroa, 1996). Garments produced in Latin America and imported into the United States represent a growing segment of the U.S. clothing market. As industry analysts, business people and, increasingly, workers, realize, such a development is by no means accidental. It is the product of a search for higher profits by U.S. apparel companies, by some of their competitors like Korean-owned contractors, and, above all, by large clothing buyers such as Wal-Mart and Macy's at the expense of low-wage labor in Latin America. It is also the product of trade policies and political decisions adopted by the U.S. and Latin American governments (Figueroa, 1996). Clothing is big business. In the United States, wholesale apparel sales were $78.4 billion while retail sales were $211 billion in 1994.1 There are about 30,000 clothing manufacturers in the United States, which employ over 800,000 production workers in this country (down 30% from the mid-1970s). They directly or indirectly employ at least 400,000 people overseas. More textile and apparel is produced and sold today in the United States than at any other time in the nation's history (Figueroa, 1996). The U.S. clothing market, one of the most attractive in the world, has become the final destination for an increasing amount of apparel assembled overseas, much of it in Latin America. Imported clothing represented 66% of total sales in the U.S. clothing market in 1992 compared to only 28% in 1973. Likewise, textile imports have grown from 5.8% of the U.S. market in 1973 to 21.7% in 1992.2 The share for garments imported from Latin America under special duty-free tariff programs has increased from 3.9% of the U.S. clothing market in 1970 to 16.7% in 1993 (Figueroa, 1996). The industry throughout the Americas is undergoing significant changes, which have produced clear winners and losers. Increased market integration -- in the wake of neoliberal economic restructuring and "free-trade" accords -- means that a particular country's role in the industry is determined to a large extent by the size of its domestic market, its level of industrialization, and its access to modern technology (Figueroa, 1996).   Branding Branding creates attachments between consumers and brand: the stronger the attachment, the better the branding. Nothing connected with "branding" should surprise anyone any more (Frank, 2001). Whenever the word is spoken, it seems, there instantly follows some scarcely believable anecdote of corporations expanding, metastasizing, covering more and more of our world and our culture, putting their mark in some unthinkable new spot or on some inviolable hero, ransacking the temples of art, laying claim to the legacy of the historical avant-garde, to that of religion, of bohemia, of the civil rights movement, of the left itself. We ride in subway cars whose every surface promotes an allergy remedy or the offerings of a TV network. We hear of "masterbrands" and "megabrands" (Frank, 2001).  And the claims attached to brands grow constantly: no longer simple guarantees of quality, brands are now thought to have a more high-minded aspect (Frank, 2001). The brand was everything, the very foundation of economic life. The brand was all that would survive, zealously protected and polished by a core of managerial workers, while the physical operations of the corporation were "outsourced" to those lands where people work for next to nothing (Frank, 2001). The most important thing to understand about integrated branding is that it is a model for building the most important asset any company has--its relationship with its customers (Lepla, 1999). If you understand that your best customer is the one you already have, then creating a rational system for deepening customer relationships is the logical next step (Lepla, 1999). Basing your product or service offerings on an integrated brand allows your organization to develop more saleable products over the long term by keeping it focused on your strengths as an organization. This focus opens it to new possibilities by broadening the corporate aperture from looking at what you are producing right now to looking at the bigger picture. Seeing the big picture is an essential prerequisite to company longevity. Strategy based solely on current product or service uniqueness ultimately results in decreasing market share, lower margins, missed opportunities, and price wars (Lepla, 1999).Integrated branding helps companies understand who they are and how to use that knowledge consistently to create better results. As with all worthwhile change, the process takes some investment in time and elbow grease up front, but results in a huge payoff (Lepla, 1999). Brand breadth is a function of not only the number and variability of products represented by the brand but also of the strength of association between the brand and the products it represents (Dawar, 1996). The strength of association is reflected in the retrievability from memory of product associations. This, in turn, influences the evaluation of fit of brand extensions. Two types of brands were studied: those with a strong association to a single product (and weaker associations with other products) and those with strong associations to multiple products. Results from an experiment showed that for brands with a single product association, brand knowledge and context interact to influence evaluations of fit for extensions to products weakly associated with the brand. For brands strongly associated with more than 1 product, context influences evaluations of the fit of brand extensions (Dawar, 1996). Given the importance of these associations, brand-extension researchers are now focusing on acquiring a deeper understanding of how cognitive representations of brands influence the evaluations of the fit of extensions with the original brand (Dawar, 1996). Park, Milberg, and Lawson ( 1991 ) reported that perceptions of brand-extension fit depend not only on similarity of product-based aspects, such as features or attributes, but also on the consistency of the extension product with an abstract mental representation, such as the brand-name concept. Primarily, branding starts with the effective use of media as an advertisement tool. Cultural diversity and the penchant for global fashion are increasingly reinforced in the media. Preferences for clothes, accessories and other fashion items rest on how a product is shown and perceived by the consumers around the world. Thus, fashion advertisements are not only focused on a specific market but rather on the global market by universalizing their product and thus their brands. The potential influence of globally shared television images, the informational power of the Internet, or how displays of popular culture artifacts or consumer goods proffer modes of articulation for sharing surface identities based on styles (Ferguson, 1992).   Being, first of all, a pragmatic market instrument, ads have an important side effect: they reproduce dominant ideologies, social structure, power relations and a global cultural. The products consume by individuals are wide spread markers of their social status, and they can be analyzed as second-order signs, in Barthes's terms, or to put it another way, as myths of consumer society: goods are imagined as magic latchkeys, letting one to come into the dream world (Ross, 2000). Fairytale narrative in a 30-second advertisement. Role of advertisements in socialization and construction of identity; representations of males and females and construction of their subject positions in advertisements (Ross, 2000). New brand extensions are generally supported by substantial communication efforts to build on existing product associations (Dawar, 1996). For brands with a single strong product association, and for extensions close to that product, communication could cue either the strongly or the weakly associated product. However, if the extension is close to the weakly associated product, context cues should primarily focus on it, especially if the target consumers are knowledgeable about the brand. Activating the strongly associated product would be a mistake in this communications should cue the product close to the extension product in order to maximize consumer perceptions of fit (Dawar, 1996). Dawar (1996) argued that the proximity construct refers to the distance of extensions from the brand concept. The strength of brand-product association was used to refer to the relation between the brand and its associations with existing products. However, empirically in psychological research, the two constructs are often treated similarly in that both distance and strength of association are measured using response latency. We believe these two constructs are independent and can be tapped using different measures. In this study we used response latency measures to determine strength of association and a card-sorting task to determine proximity-distance. Future research could provide additional insight into the orthogonality of these constructs by crossing levels of the two constructs. The memorability of a brand name and of copy items in print ads is enhanced by relations between the element to be remembered and other ad elements (Millard and Schmitt, 1993). Differences in brand-name memory were stronger on unaided recall measures than on brand-name recognition or brand-name matching measures. As argued before, this result suggests that interrelations among ad components are especially valuable for retrieval processes (Millard and Schmitt, 1993). It could be argued, however, that related ad elements provide redundant information which allows for guessing; that is, if an individual is exposed to the same information three times, then he or she has to remember less information than when three different items of information are presented. We believe, however, that it is not clear how an individual could find information to be redundant without noticing the relation between the two concepts that supposedly constitute redundancy. That is, more fashion-conscious consumers may be more practiced in remembering brand names and brand characteristics and therefore may have a strategic advantage in learning them   Consumer Behavior Research in consumer behavior has provided many insights into how consumers respond affectively and make behavioral commitments to items within a set of alternatives such as brands of toothpaste or makes of automobile. However, consumer researchers have rarely gone beyond the selection or preference stage Previous work in consumer research has left questions concerning the duration of consumption largely unexplored and, in particular, has neglected the possible role of emotions in determining the length of time that consumers devote to consumption experiences (Gardner and Holbrook, 1993). Gardner and Holbrooks’ (1993) study on the effect of advertisement on radio and television proposes an approach to investigating these questions and illustrates its application to the context of examining the connection between emotional responses and listening receptivity to music. In an individually administered listening task, 58 subjects listened to these musical selections in different random orders for as long as they wanted before rating their feelings on the Affect Grid. Listening time was measured unobtrusively when rewinding the tapes between sessions with subjects. As hypothesized, the results show that log (tempo) strongly affects arousal, that listening time follows a nonmonotonic relation which peaks at intermediate levels of arousal, and that these peaks shift from left to right as pleasure increases. One of the major sources of value created by a brand lies in the memorial associations consumers have for products sold with that brand brand-building efforts that seek to develop greater brand awareness and foster favorable brand attitudes among consumers. A brand that is strongly associated with a particular product category will often enjoy substantial success in that category because it can effectively isolate itself from competing brands (Williams, 1992). Farquhar’s (1996) research investigated how a consumer's cognitive structure for a brand in a given product category affects the possible transfer of associations to other product categories. One key factor in evaluating such possible brand extensions is dominance, which can be defined as the strength of the directional association between the parent category and the branded product (Farquhar, 1996). Likewise, another important factor is the relatedness of the brand's parent category and the target category of the proposed extension. The 1st experiment measured dominance and relatedness via response latencies to recognize brand extensions. The 2nd experiment demonstrated that consumers' affect for strongly category-dominant brands (a) transfers better to an extension when the proposed extension is closely rather than distantly related to the parent category and (b) transfers better than a weakly category-dominant brand's affect. Together, the research demonstrated that consumers' response times to disconfirm the existence of product-brand pairs is related to their transfer of affect from the brand to the proposed product category. This disconfirmation method could be used as an unobtrusive measure for determining brand boundaries. The attractiveness of potential brand extensions may thus be determined without consumers making any judgments about a proposed extension other than answering whether or not it exists (Farquhar, 1996). Farquhar’s (1996) results support the assertions in H2 about consumers' ability to learn new associations. Subjects were better able to recall the proposed extension for strongly category-dominant versus weaker brands, and for closely versus distantly related target categories. The main effect of category dominance on recall may have been greater if we had chosen brands with greater separation in the parent categories. The rather distant target categories selected probably contributed to the strong main effect for intercategory relatedness.  On the other hand, the affect transfer patterns across categories do not mirror the recall data for learning new associations. Dominance and relatedness interact only for affect transfer. Although there are strong main effects for both dominance and relatedness, the affect associated with a strongly category-dominant brand transfers to an extended product best when the target category is closely related to the parent category. Thus, attitude differences are not due simply to subjects liking only what they could recall; rather, the brand transfers its associated affect across categories. Nevertheless, there is a limit to how far the brand can be stretched--the target category must be closely related to the parent category (Farquhar, 1996). In general, the relational model in that consumers' learning and liking of proposed brand extensions are influenced by two factors: the dominance of the brand in its parent category and the relatedness of the parent category to the target category of the proposed extension. Learning new associations for brand extensions is easier for (a) brands that are strongly (vs. weakly) category dominant and for (b) target categories that are closely (vs. distantly) related to the brand's parent category. It also demonstrated that the affect associated with strongly category-dominant brands transfers to an extension primarily when the target category is closely related to the parent category. Finally, controlling for category dominance, consumers' response latency to disconfirm the existence of a hypothetical extension is inversely related to the affect transferred to the extension (Farquhar, 1996). From a managerial perspective, a strong category-to-brand association is both a blessing and a curse. Strongly category-dominant brands have widespread customer recognition and often enjoy substantial market share. But this strength in the parent category may also limit the brand's direct extendibility to other product categories. A strong category-to-brand association appears to restrict a brand's ability to transfer affect across categories, underscoring the need for caution in extension decisions for brands that might appear to be natural platforms for building equity.   Psychology of Global Fashion Culture Perhaps, the main issue in global branding, psychology of the consumers has been the main culprit in the establishments of global brands. Radford (1993) first revealed the hazards of psychological perspectives of fashion when they are detached from any recognition of the complex particularities of social and historical patterns. But secondly I hope to show how this psychoanalytic approach, far from maintaining any position of scientific objectivity, in fact reflects disguised misogynistic and hornophobic currents of thought, prevalent within a given social ideology. Fashion has throughout history been exposed to a constant didactic of disapproval. Indeed the emergence of fashion as a topic for comment in the first place seems to have arisen from the desire to censure it. Whether the complaint is against excessive show of wealth or against sexual immodesty, whether the appeal emanates from the values of Christianity or Humanism, the sins of pride and lust (note the church Latin for lust is 'luxuria") are accusations which are inextricably woven into the history of fashion. So it is perhaps not so surprising, then, that psychology should be drawn into collusion with the puritanical and patriarchal aims of post-Second World War American ideology, in supplying a more modern basis for constraining self-expression in terms of fashion and personal appearance, by marginalizing fashion as potentially deviant and dangerous (Radford, 1993).   REFERENCES Dawar, Niraj, Extensions of Broad Brands: The Role of Retrieval in Evaluations of Fit, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1996 Dawar, Niraj, Extensions of Broad Brands: The Role of Retrieval in Evaluations of Fit, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1996 Farquhar, Peter, Impact of Dominance and Relatedness on Brand Extensions, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1996 Ferguson, M. (in press). Media globalization: Myths, markets and identities. London: Sage. Figueroa, Hector, In the Name of Fashion: Exploitation in the Garment Industry, North American Congress on Latin America, 1996 Frank, Thomas, The big lie. The Guardian, July 9, 2001. Available at http://media.guardian.co.uk/Print/0,3858,4218121,00.html Gardner, Meryl, and Holbrook, Morris, An Approach to Investigating the Emotional Determinants of Consumption Durations: Why Do People Consume What They Consume for as Long as They Consume It?, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1993 Harrison, Lawrence, and Huntington, Samuel, Culture Matters: How Values Shape Human Progress, Basic Books, 2000 Klamer, Arjo, The Value of Culture: On the Relationship between Economics and Arts, Amsterdam University Press, 1996 Lepla, Joseph, Integrated Branding: Becoming Brand-Driven through Companywide Action, Quorum Books, 1999 Maynard, Margaret, The Wishful Feeling About Curves': Fashion, Femininity, and the 'New Look' in Australia, Oxford University Press, 1995 Millard, Robert and Schmitt, Nader, Memory for Print Ads: Understanding Relations Among Brand Name, Copy, and Picture, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1993 Radford, Robert, Women's Bitterest Enemy': The Uses of the Psychology of Fashion, Oxford   University Press, 1993   Ross, Cassandra, Seeing Ourselves: An Analysis of Ideology and Fantasy in Popular Advertising, Queen's University Film Studies.   Submitted to Jean Bruce for FILM 231*: Media and Society I, December 2000 Copyright © 2000   Rubenstein, Ruth, Dress Codes: Meanings and Messages in American Culture, Westview Press,1995

THESIS CHAPTER 2 ON THE ROLE OF GLOBALIZATION IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF GLOBAL BRAND ENTITIES

CHAPTER 2 Review of Related Literature If we learn anything from the history of economic development, it is that culture makes almost ...

Thesis Chapter 2 on The Practice of Public Relations in Lebanon

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 	  	  	 	Introduction 	 	The previous 	chapter introduced the study’s problem and purpose. The purpose of this 	chapter is to review the literature pertinent to the major variables of the 	study as expressed in the 	research questions. The first section reviews the 	literature related to the theoretical basis of the study.  The next section 	examines the debate between those who believe in the globalization of public 	relations practices and those who believe that a localized approach is more 	appropriate.  	  	 	Theoretical Perspective 	 	In searching for an appropriate 	theoretical perspective 	upon which to base this study, the researcher determined that Grunig & 	Hunt’s (1984) four models of communication is the most appropriate.    	Heibert (1992) asserted that the only theory that describes reality now is 	the pragmatic theory.  The "who says what to whom with what effect" model 	that started with Harold Lasswell in the 1940s is a simple model compared to 	today’s communication models, which are more sophisticated.  However, 	according to Heibert (1992), communication is not successful unless the 	message is effective.  Today’s communication models, though still calling 	for a circular process starting from a source through a medium to a 	receiver, include feedback as essential for the success of the communication 	process.  Heibert further provided support for pragmatic communication 	theory by quoting public relations practitioners stating that public 	relations is a "two-way street", or a "two-way symmetric" process. 	 	Grunig and Hunt (1984) identified four typica1 models of 	public relations practice in North America. These models are press agentry, 	public information, two-way asymmetrical, and two-way symmetrical. Press 	agentry and public information are one-way models. They form a continuum of 	craft public relations, which ranges from propaganda (press agentry) on one 	end to journalism (public information) on the other. The two-way models make 	up a continuum of professional public relations, which ranges from 	persuasion on one end (two-way asymmetrical) to conflict management (two-way 	symmetrical) on the other. 	 	Craft public relations                          	Professional public relations 	 	Press agentry (propaganda)                 two-way 	asymmetrical (persuasion) 	 	Public information (journalism)          two-way 	symmetrical (conflict management) 	 	Press agentry and public information are not based on 	research and strategic planning. 	The press 	agentry model can be summarized as public relations programs aimed to get 	favorable publicity for an organization in the mass media, such as in 	publicity for sports, movie stars, products, politicians or even managers.  	The public information model is the dissemination of information through the 	mass media and controlled media such as newsletters, brochures and direct 	mail. 	 	The other two models are more professional, sophisticated 	and effective. The two-way asymmetrical model uses social science research 	to identify attitudes and to develop messages that appeal to those 	attitudes.  This model works when there is no conflict between the 	organization and the public.  When conflict arises, the two-way symmetrical 	model appears to be the most efficient model, because it assumes that both 	the organization and practitioner may change their behavior as a result of a 	communication program.  Grunig and Hunt’s research shows that the 	professional continuum, with emphasis on the symmetrical model, is the most 	effective practice for organizational public relations. 	 	It should be noted that in addition to these four models, 	another model was found in some countries that was not used in the United 	States.  Public relations firms operate on behalf of international clients 	in the United States by the 	personal influence model.  It is formed from 	former government officials who use their personal contacts to solicit good 	connections for the company.  Some of the disadvantages of this model are 	the unethical practices that are connected with manipulating personal 	contacts (Botan, 1992).  This model will not be considered in this study. 	  	 	Globalization versus Localization 	 	The Grunig and Hunt (1984) models appear to represent 	Northern American public relations.  These models have proven to be a 	realistic approach to study the practice of public relations.  They are also 	used and applied by researchers who study international public relations.  	Reagan, Summer and Hill (1992) tested the models in the state of Washington 	in the United States.  Ekachai and Komolsevin (1996) researched public 	relations in Thailand in relation to these models.  Grunig et al. (1995) 	used these models to study public relations in India, Greece and Taiwan.  	 	 	Vercic, Grunig, and Grunig (1996) argued that a normative 	model of global public relations could be relevant to not only Western 	cultures but also too non-Western cultures.  Some other public relations 	scholars suggested, however, that public relations should be culturally 	relevant (Banks, 1995; Botan, 1992; Epley, 1992; Reed, 1989). In the 	following sections, viewpoints advocating a global perspective versus a 	local perspective of public relations practice will be examined. 	  	 Advocates 	for Globalization 	 	Proponents of globalization believed in the ability to 	create a "global village". According to a 1985 study, most U.S. 	companies 	are either doing business in a foreign market or are examining the 	possibility of establishing a presence in a location outside the United 	States.  Similarly, a survey of Chief Executive Officers revealed that 	global competition and globalization of operations were the greatest 	challenges facing firms in the 1990s (Fitzpatrick & Whillock, 1993).  Murphy 	(1996) stated that telecommunications are the major supporting factor in 	paving the way for globalization by building the global information 	infrastructure. 	 	In the area of public relations, Hiebert (1992) deemed 	old communication theories based on political ideologies “ridiculous” after 	the fall of the Soviet Union and advocated a global theory.   Hiebert 	believed that because of new communication technologies the public could not 	be forced to one point of view.  As noted previously, Hiebert believed in a 	pragmatic theory.  Unfortunately, Hiebert did not take a strong stand in 	supporting his theory.  This uncertainty led to the notion that this might 	be more a personal opinion more than an idea based on scholarly research 	(Bender & Druckrey, 1994). 	 	For decades, the U.S. dominated the practice of public 	relations.  However, Hirsch (1992) described how Turow and Carveth mapped 	out the change in institutional and economic environments since the 	explosion of domestic and international media acquisitions in the late 	1980s.  Major changes in the goals and strategies of the largest media 	corporations were made.  The first change was to define the audience more 	globally than locally.  Second, corporations sought projects with more 	public relations potential, for example, contracting with book authors for 	possible movies and a sound track.  	 	Carveth traced the decline of American media's dominance 	through the lens of economics and business strategy.  The Australian 	publisher 	Rupert Murdoch dominated newspapers and television.  Polygram from 	Holland and Sony from Japan became two of the three largest American rock 	music-recording companies. 	 	Not only were other countries becoming involved in public 	relations to a greater degree, but also it appeared that principles of the 	practice of public relations were the same worldwide despite 	country-by-country differences in public relations focus.  Based on his 	personal travels to South America, Europe, the Middle East, Africa, and 	North America, Sharpe (1992) concluded that conflict shapes the face of 	public relations differently country by country, even though the principles 	as to what public relations is and can do remain the same worldwide.  Sharpe 	observed, "public relations can be practiced in a wide variety of cultures, 	not only in an American type of democracy" (p.103).  His strongest case was 	Nigeria, where he found that though Nigeria is very different from the 	United States, public relations practice was one of the most impressive.  	However, it must be noted that the British colonial background of Nigeria 	and the democracy that exists there is similar to American democracy.  Thus, 	the conclusion that public relations can be practiced the same worldwide 	based on Sharpe’s observations of Nigeria may be an erroneous one. 	 	 	A common characteristic of research on public relations 	and globalization is the dominance of qualitative research.  Another 	characteristic is the various perspectives of globalization.  Several 	researchers focused on public relations roles.  Wilson (1990) focused on 	issue management, noting that there are universal images and reputations 	that destroy an organization no matter where the company is located in the 	world.  Wilson asserted that the nature of the international operations and 	public relations efforts of multinational corporations made it too expensive 	for such organizations to be only concerned with local or national image 	within the U.S. or only the economically developed Western nations.  	According to Wilson,  “A multinational chemical company must be concerned 	with issues of pollution in all locales of operation and on a global level, 	not just from the perspective of dealing with political activists near its 	U.S. 	headquarters or using headquarters personnel to implement issues 	management in locations around the world" (p.50). 	 	D'Jaen (1998) was concerned with factors that help 	companies establish a strong corporate reputation and found that these 	factors are consistent across international borders.  As an illustration of 	the global nature of corporate reputations, she described a trip to Vietnam, 	where she noticed an old episode of the U.S. Oprah Winfrey television show 	being broadcast that featured a fast food chain controversy that had been 	resolved a year ago.  However, in Asia it was new information that was as 	damaging to the company's reputation as it had been in the U.S. a year 	before.      	 	Roth et al. (1996) examined the existence of ethical 	values that are shared all over the world during their search for a 	universal code of ethics for the practice of international public 	relations.  The researchers argued that while not all public relations 	practitioners may agree to a specific code of ethics there might be 	agreement to a set of principles that contain enough ambiguity to allow for 	differing interpretations and practices.  Hunt and Tirpok proposed "to put 	forth a general code and let its interpretation and use suggest further 	refinements that will help adopt it to the nuances of the global 	community".  Kruckeberg (1996) observed that "cultural relativism is not 	problematic for a universal ethics code" and that "globally . . . there is a 	plentitude of shared ethical values, and those which are within differing 	areas of moral taste can be discussed, universally accepted or negotiated” 	(p. 182).  	 	Gruban (1995) believed in the existence of generic 	principles in public relations that have been proven global and are 	therefore applicable to most cultures and political systems.  If these 	principles were employed with caution, he added, they could facilitate the 	transformation of political systems and social culture.  As noted 	previously, Sharpe (1992) contended public relations principles and roles 	are the same worldwide and, therefore, public relations can be globalized. 	 	Three major themes regarding the globalization 	perspective of public relations emerge in the literature.  First, the 	research purports that certain public relations principles are the same all 	over the world, particularly since the fall of the former Soviet Union 	(Hiebert, 1992).  Second, 	ethical values that organize the practice of 	public relations are shared even in different cultures (Hunt & Tirpok, 	Kruckeberg, 1996; Roth et al., 1996).  Third, globalization advocates agree 	that the world is heading towards becoming a “global village”.  Corporations 	are implementing issue management that is globally accepted and not just 	related to their national identity (Hirsh 1992; Wilson, 1990). 	 	There are, however, a number of researchers who are 	convinced that globalization in public relations can never succeed due to 	cultural differences and beliefs, not just with the West and the rest of the 	world but within countries (Banks, 1995; Botan, 1992; Taylor & Kent, 1999; 	Waisbord, 1998).   These proponents of localization believe that public 	relations should reflect cultural practices.  In the next section, the 	viewpoints of advocates of localization are discussed.  	  	 	Advocates for Localization 	 	 	Taylor and Kent (1999) found that many of the assumptions 	that guide Western theories of public relations and public relations 	practices are not applicable in other regions of the world.  Based on their 	case study on the practice of public relations in Malaysia, they found the 	Western assumption that the practice of public relations targets a variety 	of organizational publics was not true because in many developing nations 	government officials are more important than the general public in making 	public relations more effective.  Taylor and Kent (1999) maintained that to 	create theories and practices that can be followed on an international 	level, scholars should examine how theories developed.  For instance, 	American public relations theories have their roots in democracy and 	capitalism (Pearson, 1990).   European theories started with the social 	critic Max Weber (Nessmann, 1995). In Asia, eastern theology and hierarchic 	relationships formed public relations. 	 	Taylor (2000) conducted a case study of the reaction 	towards the 	Coca-Cola scare in Europe when children became ill from drinking 	Coca-Cola.  She found that national culture affects the behavior of the 	public toward threat and that countries with close cultures reacted in the 	same manner to the threat. Waisbord (1998) analyzed national and regional 	cultures in Latin America and concluded that, "the existence of a globally 	mediated public sphere is not synonymous with shared concerns, cultures, and 	identities.  While technology lessens distance and fuels new consciousness, 	identity-shaping entails a more complex process by which mass populations 	are mobilized and integrated and identities are created and maintained" (p. 	396). 	            	During fieldwork in Kuwait and the Gulf area, Wheeler (1998) discovered that 	"local cultural frameworks play an important and under recognized role in 	the kinds of practices that are enabled by networked communications and 	adaptations to the global economy" (p. 360).  Wheeler noted that the big 	difference between the West and the rest of the world is that the West 	monopolizes technology.  He posed the question, What about the countries 	that do not have satellites or complete free Internet without censorship.  	Western culture is rejected as imperialistic morally bankrupt and harmful to 	local identity.”  (p. 361).     	 	Sriramesh (1992) hypothesized that public relations 	variable that are currently known may not explain Indian public relations 	practice and thus emphasized the use of the ethnographic research 	methodology.  Though it has been over a decade since this research was 	conducted, Sriramesh’s findings are still relevant today for two reasons.  	First, because very little information was available regarding public 	relations in India, this research paved the way for further studies.  	Second, the finding on how societal culture affected public relations was 	well elaborated. 	 	Dwek (1995) found that European public relations style is 	different from the United States style. 	European public relations style does 	not have a universal approach to conducting press conferences.  Their press 	conferences take longer time than U.S. conferences because they demand more 	details and information to make their decisions.  Because of their lack of a 	universal language, European countries must print their press material in 	the national language and its local dialects. 	            	After a multi-year project of comparing approaches to public relations from 	around the world, Botan (1992) concluded that an international public 	relations is also intercultural public relations.  Botan discussed the need 	to understand the assumptions that shape public relations through the 	world.  Botan, citing Sattler (1981) noted that public relations in the U.S. 	originated from the media, especially journalism.  He also noted that while 	many African countries, for example, also trace their public relations 	practice to journalism and the media, their practices are not similar to 	those of the U.S.  Thus, Botan advocated localized rather than globalized 	public relations.         	            	After consulting with 30 senior practitioners in international public 	relations, Epley (1992) concluded, "no matter how small the globe shrinks, 	it is still made up of many tiny segments each with its own unique culture, 	language, politics, and idiosyncrasies.  Global public relations are local 	public relations" (p. 112).   Epley’s study is relatively old and one has to 	be cautious in generalizing about such a small sample.  However, the 	findings have been cited in many newer studies and have applicability. 	 	As with research supporting globalization, 	research-supporting localization is also characterized by qualitative 	approaches.  Another characteristic of the localization approach is that it 	is more current.  Today’s public relations researchers are less interested 	in international public relations than they were in 1992 (Hiebert, 1992).  	 	 	In addition to being more current, localization research 	seems more focused and more integrated.  As evidenced in this review, a 	number of researchers have focused on cultural differences and 	case studies 	done all over the world, with two themes emerging.  The first is the 	tendency towards localization.  Clancy (2000) conducted qualitative 	interviews with senior executives, in which one executive, a vice president 	of a national e-commerce services company, stated, “localization is a large 	issue" (p. 28).  Another executive of another multimillion international 	e-commerce American company told Clancy that the company was receiving many 	orders from Japan.  As a result, the company had to launch a localized 	version of its website because of cultural differences between the American 	and Japanese credit card purchases over the Internet. The executive noted, 	"While many U.S. consumers are comfortable using credit cards, this is not 	the case in Japan" (p. 28). Although Clancy's findings cannot be generalized 	because of the small sample of interviewees, they can be considered a good 	starting point for research on international marketing and consumers’ 	purchasing habits.  	 	As discussed previously, Dwek (1995) found differences in 	the practice of public relations even within similar cultures such as the 	United States and Europe. Taylor’s (2000) case study concluded that national 	cultures affect the behavior of the public to threats.  The existence of a 	globally mediated public sphere does not mean shared concerns, according to 	Waisbord (1998).  Botan (1992) observed that the uneven growth between 	nations is an obstacle in the way of globalizing the practice of public 	relations, further, even in countries where public relations had the same 	origin; different practices were detected (Botan, 1992). 	  	 	Conclusion 	 	In reviewing the literature on the practice of public 	relations in undeveloped countries that are similar to Lebanon in culture 	and economy, it appears public relations is practiced in these countries 	based on the press agentry and public information models rather than the 	two-way models.  The literature shows a lack of focus on the elements 	necessary to create a global practice for public relations, such as same 	language, same culture, same economic structure, or same religion. For 	example, clear answers to the questions Can public relations can be 	practiced the same way in Western countries with democratic capitalist 	regimes.  Moreover, can public relations be practiced the same way in 	all countries that live by the 	Islamic religion?  Remain unanswered.  	 	In 	Chapter three the details of the study's methodology will be presented.  An 	explanation of the settings and participants, the test instrument, and 	method of data collection will be included.

Thesis Chapter 2 on The Practice of Public Relations in Lebanon

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW Introduction The p revious chapter introduced the study’s problem and purpose. The p...

Thesis Chapter 2 on Raising Self Esteem in At-Risk Youth

Chapter 2 – Review of Related Literatures   At-risk Youth             Majority of today’s youth faces conflicts that they can barely handle in a very young age. Modernization has brought many social changes in the society. Children are being taken for granted, usually by parents who both work and have no time for their children. Another factor is the issue of broken family, peer pressure, and many other issues that would make a youth feel inferior of himself/herself. Youth like these seeks a way to express themselves and unfortunately, this search for self –expression has often lead to deviant practices such as drug addiction, joining gangs, engaging in pre-marital sex, etc. Stephen (1997) wrote that growing numbers of children are being neglected, abused, and ignored. Without change, the dark specter of generational warfare could become all too real. Stephen (1997) further continues that child-care advocates reports that up to 15% of 16-to 19-year-olds are at risk of never reaching their potential and simply becoming lost in society. Children at-risk of any age, if they were at risk of not becoming self-supporting adults, headed for a life in institutions for delinquency, crime, mental illness, addiction, and dependency. We could also describe as "at risk" those teens and preteens who take on child rearing themselves and drop out of school. Thus, one can assume that the youth of today is different from the youth of the past. Stephen (1997) further states that the Gallup Poll reported that 70% of 16- to 24-year-olds believe that the world was a better place when their parents were their age, and 56% said it will be worse for their own children. “A joint Washington Post, Kaiser, and Harvard survey reported that the belief that "most people can be trusted" fell from 54% to 35%, and trust in government dropped from 76% to 25% over a three-decade period ending in 1995. At-risk youth, in particular, say they "live for today" and see no hope for their future (Stephen, 1997)”   Causes of At-risk Behaviors One of the major factors affected by a youth’s at-risk behavior is his/her study. Delinquency usually leads to low grades and detentions. Kennedy and Morton (1999) cited that at-risk students lacked social values and a sense of responsibility as illustrated by their poor attendance records at school, their lack of preparedness for classroom learning, and their unwillingness to learn. On the other hand, one of the main causes of at-risk behavior is poverty. Garris (1998) states that  “the rise in the number of children living in official poverty and the increase in the number of children living in families headed by a single parent have led some to assume that this situation has caused an increase in at-risk behavior by youth.” He continues that there is position held by policy makers that there is a vicious cycle exists between at-risk behavior and poverty. They assume that youth at-risk behavior begets poverty, and poverty begets at-risk behavior. Poverty has a reputation of mutating family structures. The negative effects of poverty lead youths to engage in practices or leisure to forget their conditions in life. Drug abuse and pre-marital sex that results in pregnancy and abortion is often the practices being engaged in by troubled youths.   The number of children living with a single parent has increased dramatically since the 1960s. In the 1985-89 period, there were about 2.2 million premarital births compared to about 700,000 premarital births for the 1960-64 period.... Between 1970 and 1990, the proportion of two-parent family groups has declined for Whites, Blacks and persons of Hispanic origin (who may be of any race) while father-child and mother-child family groups have increased (Lugaila 1992). Premarital childbearing, separation and divorce have caused one-parent family groups to become much more prevalent (and accepted) in the United States in the last 20 years. Now, about 3 out of 10 family groups are maintained by just one parent, but in 1970 only 1 out of 10 were.... These societal changes have led to American children today living in increasingly varied and complex living arrangements. (Norton and Miller, 1992). Divorce has also a strong effect on children and youth. It has a long-term effect, though Garris (1998) states that the topic have been taken for granted by social scientists in the past.                The increase of children in the poverty area must have been the reason why most social scientists link poverty to at-risk behavior as most delinquent youths have come from an urban environment. Garris (1998) cites that Lugaila (1992) states young children are the most likely population cohorts to be living in poverty. "Twenty-five percent of children under age 3 lived in poverty, and 22.1 percent aged 3 to 5 years lived in poverty, compared to 17.3 percent for adolescents age 12 to 17." This can be backed up by Ozawa’s (1993) findings in 1990 that in 1990, 20.6% of all children in the United States were poor, compared with 15.1% in 1970. Children were the poorest demographic group in 1990. In contrast, only 12.2% of the elderly were poor in 1990. These figures indicate a great transformation in child poverty - until 1973, the poverty rate of children was always lower than that of the elderly.   It is evident that poverty and other factors can result to poor self-esteem.  But Frank (1996) states that “as many concerned parents and grandparents ponder how to raise children in the 1990s, they realize that one half of our teenage children are at risk at more than the normal level. Even when there are two functioning parents, there remain potential difficulties because of low self-esteem, school phobia, and experimentation with drugs and alcohol.” This proves that not all at-risk youth are poor, or a product of a broken family. There are some cases that the reasons of at-risks are more than the usual causes. It can be because of intimidation from other youths, inferiority complex because of social and psychological factors. Frank (1996) further states that “the low self-esteem caused them (youth) to act out and rebel, not to be dominated or subdued. They became high-risk youth shortly before or after eighth grade. We now know that this could just as easily happen in third or fourth grade.” At times, hunger, spiritual pain, low self-esteem, and a lack of confidence in their future can easily lead such youth to gang life. Hundreds of youth have no other adults or place to turn to for support (Frank, 1996).   The youth’s hatred feeling towards the school that he or she attends to is one of the social, as well as psychological factors that rooted from conflicts in the family.  Kennedy and Norton (1999) states that the key events that triggered the beginning of school hatred and the student's alienation with school were: a major move; illegal drug use and violence in the home; perceived racism issues; or the divorce and subsequent remarriage of a parent. Kennedy and Norton (1999) further states that Drug use usually gets students into deep trouble educationally, but this study goes further to say that drugs are not always introduced through school.  According to the Uniform Crime Reports for the United States [1994], arrests for drug-related charges between 1985 and 1994 rose 66 percent for persons under 18 years of age compared to an increase of 60 percent for those older than 18 years. However, between 1990 and 1994, drug arrests for persons under 18 years of age increased 88.9 percent compared to 14.2 percent for those over 18 years (Garris, 1997). To put these statistics in context, there has been a general decrease in reported illicit drug use by high school twelfth graders since a high of almost 60 percent in 1979. By 1992, drug use for high school seniors had dropped to about 25 percent. But this reduction ceased that year and drug use began to rise once again.   Sneaking out and feigned sickness are more prevalent in our society than most parents believe to be true. This common behavior may help justify the curfew that teenagers object to so much. On the other hand, a major move is disruptive to a youth student because school system changes dramatically from one system to another and even between schools in the same district. Feeling like an outsider to a social group, such as a school classroom, can nudge teenagers to join an anti-school group or worst, gangs. As these groups are known to harbor trouble, it is mot likely that students joining these groups would learn to handle things in violence. This is where the malpractice of teachers to handle such cases comes to place. Kennedy, et al, (1999) states that “teacher unfairness is linked with the ideas that teachers assume that all students want to continue with a college education, and especially with the feeling that teachers identify more strongly with middle to upper middleclass socioeconomic groups.”                 Stephen (1998) states that on the average school day, as many as 15% of junior and senior high school students are not in school. This pattern usually leads to dropout. Absentees represent a large portion of those arrested for daytime break-ins and thefts, and dropouts are over-represented in jails and prisons.  Stephen (1998) cites the Census Bureau reports that earnings of students without a high school diploma average far below the poverty line.               In the case of alcohol use and drug abuse, Stephen (1998) states that polls of youth indicate that nine out of 10 teenagers drink alcohol to some extent by the time they finish high school, and a majority have used illegal drugs. A study of 1,200 school dropouts in California found their weekly alcohol-use rates were twice as high as in-school counterparts, and their use of hard drugs was two to five times as high. Dropout drug users were much more likely to be involved in violent and criminal activities. One-third said they had sold drugs in the past year, and twice as many dropouts as in-school students said they belonged to a gang. As the dropout students have nothing to turn to but the gang they’re in, many at-risk youth end up in jail. Stephen (1998) wrote that in 1996, the Justice Department reported that the juvenile homicide rate had almost doubled in over a decade, and blacks and males were by far the most likely to be killed. He further states that the major correlating factor was the increase in the use of firearms, and the number of juvenile homicide cases can double in the next 10 years. Tragically, most victims of juvenile violence are other juveniles, often children who are not even involved in the dispute.             There is a vast amount of the students who have become alienated from society slowly become alienated from school, too. In an analysis of data, it was reported that there was a significant difference in attitudes regarding the academic aspects of school between sophomores who remained in school and those who dropped out of school. Of course, other reasons for school dropout include low self-esteem and increased school standards (Robenstein and Shultz, 1994). The other significant factors attributed to high dropout rates, according to the Office of Educational Research, are social class position, truancy, and high absenteeism (Robenstein and Shultz, 1994). In addition, Frank (1996) states that, based on his experience as a school counselor, all of the students who sought his help were ready to drop out of school either by legal or illegal means. He reasoned that if the at-risk youth leave the system, which they have established, they lose the educational benefits teachers try to provide; and then they lose the societal benefits, such as jobs, an opportunity to rise in the socioeconomic hierarchy, and a place in the future, void of poverty, failure, and crime. The root of this is basically the fact that students bring all their past experiences, including family issues such as parental abuse of children, with them into the classroom (Rowley, 1989). Kennedy and Morton (1999) concluded that “two major points emerge from that study concerning patterns of early school leaving. The first point is that no student made a decision to drop out of school. Instead, it was a gradual process of increasing truancy, causing a student to get too far behind in academic work. The second point is that the parents of dropouts did not support the truancy of their child, nor did they support the student's dropping out of school. Parents are often unaware of the student's truancy and declining grades until it is too late. The student drops out rather than repeat the grade.”               For the record, the number of adolescents being jailed and otherwise involved in the criminal justice system in the United States has continued to climb over the past two decades (Smith, 1998). The incarceration and criminal activity of youth are currently major problems in the United States, with more and more youth being placed in state correctional, county jail, and juvenile delinquency facilities each year. According to the 1999 national report on juvenile offenders by the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP), the overall juvenile arrest rate increased 22% between 1989 and 1997 (Snyder & Sickmund, 1999). The female population is becoming an increasing concern with arrest rates between 1981 and 1997 rising in aggravated assault (139%), weapons law violations (191%), and larceny theft (40%; Snyder & Sickmund, 1999). These reports are obviously alarming. The continuous increase of at-risk youth has led the government, and several non-governmental organizations to contain this increase and help the youth in trouble. Programs have been developed to reach out to at-risk youth.   Characteristics of At-risk Youth             There are several ways to determine if a youth is at-risk. Christle, et al (2002) cited that researchers have identified a number of demographic and behavioral characteristics of youth that contribute to their risk of involvement with the juvenile justice system. These include (Bullis & Walker, 1996; Nelson & Pearson, 1994; Walker, Colvin, & Ramsey, 1995): ethnic minority status; aggressive, antisocial behavior; difficulties in school and school failure (including educational disabilities); Family stresses, including poverty, single parent home, inadequate parental supervision, and lax or inconsistent parental discipline, coercive family interactions, physical abuse, substance abuse (self or family), living in a high crime community, and criminal or delinquent relatives or peers.  These risk factors are common denominators in the backgrounds of youth who require a variety of human services, including special education, mental health interventions, and child welfare services, in addition to intervention by juvenile courts (Nelson et al., 1996). Basically, at-risk student characteristics are categorized into four areas: school, community, student, and family related (Wells, 1990)   Christle, et al (2002) states that Melton and Pagliocca (1992) found many similarities in the characteristics of youth served by the mental health and juvenile justice systems in South Carolina. Persons in both systems were predominantly males who were behind in school, involved in property or status offenses, and displayed traits associated with conduct disorders (e.g., association with delinquent peers, lack of a sense of conscience, poor insight into personal problems, and poor school attendance). Many incarcerated adolescents have behavioral and emotional problems that would qualify them for special education or residential treatment programs (Granallo and Hanna, 2003). Nelson and Rutherford (1989) reported that 77% of incarcerated students receiving special education services were behaviorally disordered. The link between behavioral and emotional problems and delinquency has been reported in the literature for decades (Mcintyre, 1993).               Granallo and Hanna (2003) cited that Chiles, Miller, and Cox (1980), in a study of 120 delinquent youth, reported that 23% of their sample met criteria for a major affective disorder (depression) using Beck and Hamilton depression rating scales (the Beck Depression Inventory and the Hamilton Rating Scale for Depression, respectively). They commented that it is interesting the delinquents with depression in the study sought out exciting, dangerous, or illegal activities in an attempt to mitigate their feelings of depression, whereas delinquents who were not depressed did not seek out these activities. They took particular note on the high rate of alcohol and drug use among delinquents with depression, leading to more arrests for drunk and disorderly conduct for delinquents with depression than for non-depressed delinquents (Chiles et al., 1980). Granallo and Hanna (2003) state that incarcerated youth are often involved with gangs. In a study of 395 adjudicated adolescents, more than half (n = 194) of the male youth and almost half of the female youth in the study (n = 29) reported being involved in a gang. They state that the study is interesting because it indicated that incarcerated male youth who were involved in a gang had lower rates of suicidal ideation and suicide attempts than did male youth who were not involved in a gang (Evans, Albers, Macari, & Mason, 1996).               Christle, et al, (2002) states that if there is one characteristic that separates chronically antisocial and delinquent youth from other children who exhibit problematic or challenging behavior, perhaps it is the extraordinarily poor prognosis of successful rehabilitation, particularly if they have been incarcerated. They further state that Lane and Burchard (1983) characterize incarceration as the "A" phase of a withdrawal of treatment study designed to demonstrate how well the intervention sustains deviancy. Historically, juvenile justice has been the "default system" with regard to youth who require long-term care (Wollard, Gross, Mulvey, & Reppucci, 1992). However, with regard to providing effective educational and mental health services, incarceration should be considered the service alternative of last resort.               Kennedy and Morton (1999) states that the five basic human needs as described by Glasser (1986) are to survive and reproduce, to belong and love, to gain power, to be free, and to have fun. An assumption of Glasser's control theory is that our actions and interactions are initiated by "satisfying pictures of that activity that we store in our heads as a pleasant memory". Glasser believes that the at-risk student's positive mental image is replaced by pictures of themselves rebelling or withdrawing. What students do in school (and out) is completely determined by the pictures in their heads. Glasser also believes that if at-risk youth are lonely, they will spend their time looking for friends rather than knowledge.  Negative images are dismissed and that positive images control our choices for behavior. But it is always the difference between the pictures in our head and the situation in the world that starts us misbehaving. A student may have to behave defiantly so he or she can get expelled from school in order to gain control of his or her life. If there is no visual of satisfying any personal need by learning in school, learning will not take place simply because a teacher demands that a student learn.               There are many ways to determine an at-risk youth. The Youth Research and General Assistant Project (1993) states that the traditional approach of employers to defining today’s at-risk youth is to use demographic characteristics. However, using group characteristics of who is at-risk has several significant drawbacks. First, group characteristics are really proxies for more specific skill deficits and social problems. They are not easily compared to employer requirements, in defining employability, nor are they readily translated into needs that can guide service strategy. As such, their value as a basis of individual assessment and community planning is limited. Second, using group characteristics as a basis for targeting means that some youth are likely to be arbitrarily defined as at-risk when their skill levels do not justify that definition. Without information that is more specific than demographic characteristics, practitioners are limited in their ability to make quality choices about allocating resources (YRGAP, 1993).               The YRGAP (1993) continued to enumerate the ways employers use to determine an at-risk youth. The team stated that besides the demographic characteristics, employers also use skills-based approach. As employers increasingly emphasize employability skills as the primary determinant in their hiring decisions, practitioners are increasingly responding by defining youth at-risks based on deficits in or level of, employability skills, especially functional basic skills and/ or pre-employment/ work maturity skills. YRGAP (1993) states that a skills-based approach lets practitioners define “at-riskness” in relation to the employability skills required by local employers. Another advantage of defining youth at-risk based on skill level is that it enables practitioners to assess the different needs within the at-risk population, very especially, e.g., individuals testing above or below specified readings and math levels. However, the YRGAP (1993) concluded that despite its advantages, a skills-based approach fails to take into account the group characteristics that have proven to be social or cultural barriers to employment.                 YRGAP (1993) states that by combining skill measures or group characteristics, practitioners can develop a “hybrid” definition of at-risk youth that includes, for example, those who are dropouts, or minorities, or teen parents, and who lack educational and work skills. A hybrid definition lets practitioners target youth with clearly specified employment skills needs while also formally recognizing some of the social and cultural factors that exacerbate the risks of failure in the labor market. This approach may help youth serving agencies to develop common definitions and a common approach to assessing participants.                The Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (1999) reports that In general, the most powerful demographic predictors of individual violent criminality are gender and age. Boys in late adolescence and young men are much more likely to be serious high-rate offenders than girls or older men (Chaiken, 1998). Further, studies using official record data have consistently found greater involvement of African-Americans in violent offending than of Caucasians (LaFree, 1995). Overall, OJJDP (1999) reports that juvenile violence is committed primarily by males and often occurs interracially among minority males. While some younger adolescents do commit violent offenses, the majority of juvenile offenders and victims are 16- and 17-year-olds. An examination of neighborhood factors indicates that many violent juvenile offenders live in disruptive and disorganized families and communities. However, as the surveys with the children living in high-risk neighborhoods show, the majority of youth who live in such environments are not involved in serious delinquency.               Woote Jr. and Modaski (1997) state that some authors have used the term “at-risk” as a label to identify students at-risk for dropping out of school (Wells, 1990; Slavin, 1989). Others have utilized a wider scope in defining the at-risk child, looking not only at probability of high school graduation, but also at preparation for employment, use of drugs and/or alcohol (Tindall, 1988). Students also could be considered at-risk if they are likely to complete school with inadequate basic skills (Slavin, 1989). Other possible labels include: disadvantaged, culturally deprived, underachiever, nonachiever, low ability, slow learner, less able, low socioeconomic status (SES), language impaired, dropout prone, alienated, marginal, disenfranchised, impoverished, underprivileged, low performing, and remedial (Lehr & Harris, 1988).   Programs for Youth At-risk             In response to the increasing numbers of at-risk youth, numerous programs have been developed to cope with problem. Here are some basic examples of approaches.               Stephen (1997) states that positive reinforcement is one of the approaches that works well on at-risk youth. He states that children crave attention more than anything else, especially positive attention. “A baby who is cuddled, talked to, and stimulated in the first six weeks of life is much more likely to be intelligent and well adjusted than a baby ignored and simply fed and cleaned up in silence. Later, the child who is rewarded with praise for accomplishments is much more likely than others to become optimistic and achievement oriented” (Stephen, 1997). He also states that one extinguishes unacceptable behavior by ignoring it and eliminating the child's ability to gain attention.   On the other hand, pats on the back, awards, and ceremonies to celebrate accomplishments are particularly effective in fostering prosocial behavior and giving at-risk youth a stake in society, helping them overcome lack of hope and lack of faith in the future. He then suggested that using positive reinforcement must become a way of life for parents, teachers, and others. Teaching positive reinforcement to potential parents has been successful in reducing the at-risk population. Parent education can offer information and skills to assist the parent-to-be with incentives to learn and use good child-rearing practices. One example of a positive reinforcement program are programs that force teenagers to carry a computerized crying and wetting doll around for a couple of weeks. This helps reduces teenage parenting as many teens decided to postpone teenage parenthood because of what they have experienced from the program.   The Justice Department and Health and Human Services each have Healthy Start programs. Justice's program was designed to reduce neglect and abuse, while the Health and Human Services program was designed to reduce infant mortality by strengthening the maternal and infant care systems at the community level (Stephen, 1997). A similar program, Healthy Families America, was launched in 1992 by the National Committee to Prevent Child Abuse to help establish home visitation programs, service networks, and funding opportunities so all new parents can receive the necessary education and support (Stephen, 1997).   Stephen (1997) also states that mentoring is one the effective ways to prevent or stop a youth’s at-risk behavior. He cites the, leaders in Kansas City that are on a quest to recruit, train, and assign 30,000 mentors - one for every at-risk child in the city. Zimmerman, et al (2002) states that researchers have suggested that natural mentors may play a vital role in adolescent development. Young people often attribute their safe passage through the tumultuous years of adolescence to the influence of significant nonparental adults such as teachers, extended family members, or neighbors (Anderson, 1991; Lefkowitz, 1986; Smink, 1990). Zimmerman, et al (2002) have found empirical support for the proposition that having a natural mentor may play a vital role in the lives of adolescents.   Zimmerman, et al (2002) in their study entitled “Natural mentors and adolescent resiliency: A study with urban youth,” examine the effects that natural mentors have on the lives of urban adolescents. The researchers concluded that of the 770 adolescents participating in this study, 414 (53.8%) reported having a natural mentor. The most commonly reported type of natural mentor in our sample was an extended family member, such as an aunt, uncle, cousin, or grandparent (n = 171, 35.7%). The researchers found that youths with natural mentors reported more positive school attitudes than did youth without natural mentors. They also found out that having a natural mentor was also associated with lower levels of problem behavior, and youth with natural mentors had more positive attitudes toward school across the range of friends' negative school behaviors. However, natural mentors had somewhat larger direct effects on school attitudes than they did on problem behaviors. Nevertheless, having a natural mentor may play a vital role in the lives of adolescents. “Respondents with natural mentors reported lower levels of problem behavior, including marijuana use and nonviolent delinquency, than did those without mentors. This was true even after we adjusted for demographic variables and known risk factors such as problem behavior norms and friends' problem behaviors. Having a mentor partially offset the effect of these negative peer influences, providing evidence of a compensatory effect” (Zimmerman, et al, 2002). In addition, they suggested that programs that create settings that provide opportunities for youth to interact with nonparental adults may help adolescents foster the development of natural mentoring relationships.               Stephen (1997) states that programs are now appearing in schools and community centers to provide attitudes and skills necessary to resolve conflict nonviolently. Models have been developed by the American Bar Association and the Justice Department, as well as by educators. He further states that “one of the best models involves training school staff - teachers, administrators, custodians, bus drivers, and cafeteria workers - in creative nonviolent conflict-resolution methods.”  He concluded that older students are also taught these techniques, and they in turn teach younger students, turning peer pressure into a positive rather than negative force. Community school programs are also effective because most youth spend their time at school. Stephen (1997) gave some examples of successful Community school programs. One of the programs is in Missouri, where 6,000 volunteers keep 675 schools open for extra hours. Another examples are the Boys' and Girls' Clubs that offer mentoring in New Jersey schools and the Safe Haven programs in New York that provide safe environments and positive after-school tutoring and enrichment programs.               Laursen (2000) discusses the strength-based approach and considers it as one the most effective approaches in an at-risk youth. He states that the strength-based approach encourages us to support and reinforce child and family functioning rather than focus on individual or family deficits, and it places the helping practitioners in the role of a partner, rather than an expert. The job of a strength-based practitioner is to look for the youth’s particular strength. They are particularly interested in a youth’s story. The personal narratives of a youth help them detect exceptions to their problems. They are genuinely interested when the problems do not occur, because, according to practitioners, it is often in these exceptions that possibilities for solution construction lie and the leverage to bounce back from life's hardships can be found. Primary principles of solution-based practice are, therefore, "If something works, do more of it!" and "If it doesn't work, do something different!" (Berg, 1994). Laursen (2000) concluded that “the core of strength-based practice is paying attention to what works and identifying strengths rather than deficits in the children and families with whom we work. As a result, strength-based practitioners team with children and families at all levels of service planning and implementation because one of our goals is to create less dependency on professionals. Strength-based values and principles place practitioners in a partnership with children and families to help them identify and use their strengths and resources to overcome obstacles and thus live empowered lives.”               Another program that is effective in the resilience of at-risk youth is the Life-skills training. Moote Jr. and Wodarski (1997) cite that life-skills training have been defined as "the formalized teaching of requisite skills for surviving, living with others, and succeeding in a complex society" (Hamburg, 1990). Wodarski (1988) reported that life-skills training was "proposed as the treatment of choice" when applied to prevention with adolescents. Gilchrist, Schinke, and Maxwell (1987) reported that life skills, which assist in the development of an adolescent's self-efficacy "include the ability to solve problems, to communicate honestly and directly, to gain and maintain social support, and to control emotions and personal feelings." Life-skills programs vary in the types and quality of services they provide. Kraizer (1990) stated that "essential components of any life-skills curriculum are based on the development of fundamental, generalized interpersonal skills." Hamburg (1990) reported that successful life-skills programs appeared to have similar core elements. Effective programs addressed developmental needs, health promotion/problem prevention, and high-risk groups. This program involves adventures as a self-esteem enhancer. The overall goal of adventure-based activities and programming appears to be the enhancement of participants' self-esteem or self-concept (Schoel, Prouty, & Radcliffe, 1988; Hopkins & Putnam, 1993). According to Butler (1993), adventure programming activities and experiences include excitement, risk taking, cooperation and competition, trust, communication, physical, mental, and emotional challenges, physical activity, problem-solving and creativity, group and individual skill development, and fun.               With all these programs, youth initiative is obviously an important factor for at-risk recovery. Surveys by Gallup Poll, Wirthlin Group, and others consistently find that 95% of teenagers believe it is important for adults and teens "to get involved in local civic, charitable, cultural, environmental, and political activities." More than three-fourths of teens say they are already participating in some volunteer work, such as working at soup kitchens for the poor, nursing homes for the elderly, or shelters for the homeless. Programs such as Americorps, Job Corps, Peace Corps, and others provide young people a chance to learn the joy of giving to others; at the same time, it gives them a stake in society by developing skills, discipline, and a chance to go to trade school or college through grants and loans. Many communities and even some states (Georgia, for example) are developing youth-oriented community service programs of their own. (Stephen, 1997).   The Reasons Why Some Programs Fail             The at-risks youth programs are only as effective as they can be when the organization’s body applies the right strategies and policies to convince a youth of his or her at-risk situation to accept resilience. Some programs fail because of the lack of strategy and ignorance on how to approach an at-risk youth properly.               Wright (1999) reports that drug czar Barry McCaffrey announced that drug education and prevention will never succeed as long as D.A.R.E.  - the Drug Abuse Resistance Education program - is ensconced in 70 percent of our children's schools.  It has been reported that over the last five years during that time, studies have been conducted for the federal General Accounting Office and Justice Department and for the California Department of Education.  They describe how D.A.R.E.  and other anti-drug programs fail to reach the teenagers most at risk of drug abuse. Brown, as cited by Wright (1999) states that most teens oppose authoritarian measures used to punish peers caught with alcohol or drugs.  The teenagers Brown interviewed questioned whether suspension from school is really the best way to deal with kids caught experimenting with drugs. He further states that the core of the problem is that D.A.R.E. boosters refuse to recognize that teenagers experiment with drugs.  Government surveys show, however, that half of high school students try an illegal drug before graduation.  “How do we reach these youngsters?” He asks.               In preventing violence among at-risk youths, Fetsch and Silliman (2002) cited that many highly touted programs provide little evidence of research foundations, and most offer no evidence of effectiveness in reducing violence, despite claims in program goals (Wahler, Fetsch, and Silliman 1997). In a survey of 51 programs, Wilson-Brewer et al. (1991) found that fewer than half the programs surveyed provided empirical evidence of reducing violence (Posner 1994). Lack of evidence may stem from limited funding for evaluation, failure to include evaluation in program implementation, failure to target the relatively small groups of young people who commit acts of serious violence, and seriously flawed program designs (Posner 1994). Fetsch and Silliman (2002) concluded that nearly 400 violence prevention programs were identified. While there are surely others, only seven were found showing consistent impact on violence risk factors. The question then may arise: How many are effective with severely angry and very at-risk youth? In response, since program evaluations involved a cross-section of youth, even highly tested programs may be ineffective with severely angry and very at-risk young people. Clearly, resources are needed to fund applied research studies to determine which programs work best with high-risk groups.               Last 1997, the testimony of Cornelia M. Blanchette (1997), Associate Director of Employment Issues, Health, Education, and Human Services Division before the Subcommittee on Youth Violence, in the US senate states that analysis of some of the strategic plans required by the Results Act suggests that although the act may facilitate the integrated approach, to program implementation and management, the strategic plans are not specific enough for their committee to determine whether an integrated approach is operating with respect to services for a particular target group, such as at-risk and delinquent youth. It was also stated in the testimony that most at-risk and delinquent youth programs lack coordinated federal effort. She further states that although the federal government has invested billions of dollars in these programs, uncertainty exists as to whether the multitude of these federal programs offers the most efficient service delivery and is achieving the desired results. The federal system, for providing services to at-risk and delinquent youth clearly creates the potential for program overlap and duplication of funding. This may decrease the efficiency because of the large diversified numbers of programs being funded by the government. Their work suggests that efficiencies may be gained by having a smaller number of consolidated programs for at-risk or delinquent youth. She further stressed that while these programs were created to serve the youth at-risk, not all programs explicitly include juvenile prevention among their programs.               To conclude this review of literatures, it is evident that most at-risk youth came from an urban background, though some became at-risk because of the factors within family and school. At-risk behaviors lead to deviant acts such as drug use, early pregnancy, dropping out of school, resorting to violence, etc. Certain programs have been established to somehow contain and prevent the increase of at-risk youth cases but it is only effective based on the practices and strategies of the organization leaders. The review has found out that lack of enough knowledge on the strategies regarding the prevention of at-risk youth cases is one of the main reasons why some programs fail. Research would be an important factor in the improvement of youth at-risk programs. As the number of youth at-risk increase, the programs that were designated specifically for them should decrease to be able to strategically allocate the funds that the government provides to research rather for the similar programs that practices the same policies and procedures.     Bibliography Americans for the Arts (1997). Arts Programs for At-Risk Youth. Available at artsusa.org. Association of African American Role Models. Available at www.aaarm.org. Astroth, K. A. (1993). Are youth at risk? Journal of Extension, Fall, Vol. 31 No. 3. Berg, I. K. (1994). Family based services. New York: W. W. Norton. Blanchette, C.M. (1997). At-risk and Delinquent Youth: Most Programs Lack Coordinated Federal Efforts. Testimony before the Subcommittee on Youth Violence, Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. Senate (online). Available at: http://www.conginst.org Brown, L. J. and Sevcik, K. (1999).  TR for youth at risk. Northern Illinois Special Recreation Association (NISRA). Bulls, M., & Walker, H. M. (1996). Characteristics and causal factors of troubled youth. In C. M. Nelson, R. B. Rutherford, & B. I. Wolford (Eds.), Comprehensive and collaborative systems that work for troubled youth: A national agenda. Richmond, KY: National Juvenile Detention Association. Butler, S. (1993). The physical education and recreation strand: The history and  the future. 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Just Say No: DARE doesn’t work. Family Watch Library (online). Available at:www.familywatch.org Youth Research and Technical Assistant Project (1993). Assessment for At- risk Youth. Center for Human Resources, Brandeis University, Heller Graduate School, Waltham, MA. pp. 3-4

Thesis Chapter 2 on Raising Self Esteem in At-Risk Youth

Chapter 2 – Review of Related Literatures At-risk Youth Majority of today’s youth faces conflicts that they can barely ha...