Research Korner: Government

Assessment of Customer Satisfaction in Governmental Organization

Customer Satisfaction in Governmental Organization   In every part of America, taxpayers are giving their satisfaction rating to the government employees along with their services rendered to the people.   This kind of survey enables the US government to monitor which part of the federal government is not doing its job and responsibilities to the public.   It also reveals how the employees in the federal government treat their customers or public based on the satisfaction level of the public.  In this regards, there have been 30 federal agencies that serve more than 90 percent of the American people --   they will be randomly surveyed to determine levels of satisfaction with the services they receive from these government agencies. This customer satisfaction policy   has been started in the implementation of Executive Order 12862 in 1993, which instructed federal agencies to establish customer service standards, report on their customer service activities, and develop customer service standards. Putting people first means ensuring the federal sector provides the highest quality service possible to the American people. In moving the government-wide survey initiative from the drawing board to actual contact with taxpayers is a significant achievement.  Moreover, the  Federal Advisory Committee for Excellence in Customer Satisfaction, which composed of industry, academic, consumer groups, and government agency leaders, oversees the survey. Aside from that, the committee is focusing on the best methods for institutionalizing a customer service culture in the federal government, the committee works with the High Impact Agencies to target catalytic changes necessary to improve the services provided to the American public. Other initiatives will be done in order to identify and to share the best practices for improving and delivering customer service among federal employees. Improving customer service is an essential ingredient to promote a high level of trust among the public towards government employees. (http://govinfo.library.unt.edu/npr/library/announc/survey.html) Correspondingly, the federal government has also established a customer focus, expectations and loyalty program that are designed to address all public’s concerns and complaints regarding government customer service or products.   In this center, the customers are being accommodated by the officer on duty, and see to it what the most immediate response is to be initiated.   Next,   any government organization must see to it that they encourage their customers to voice out or express their complaints to the concerned agencies or employee, in order to improve the quality  customer service of they offer to the public.  Similarly, this is also an effective way to ensure that the government organization will find ways to develop an customer serviced enhance their products and services.   There is correspondence, on bills, and in the telephone directory. Some offer discount coupons to encourage customer feedback. Many publish information on how they can be contacted in more than one language. They publish 1-800 and other numbers for the company where consumers are most likely to see.  Companies also market their complaint handling systems in conferences , meetings,  annual reports, newspapers, association circulars, videos, audio tapes, letters, press releases, speeches, training sessions and thru email.  Accordingly, there are government companies that really go out of their way just to please the customers.   A good example of this public firm is the insurance company with an excellent staff.    The insurance staff can greatly deal with the needs of grieving spouses.  Majority of the government  companies in the United States have been given  their leading employees  authority  to  provide any  cash incentive or in-kind award to the customers who have complaints with the products, coupon or even in  monetary issues, this is being done just to resolve  any complaint from the customer.  Relatively, the U.S. Postal Service is giving $ 20 in stamps whenever it is needed for the customer’s concern and satisfaction.  In the same token,  the government agencies are distributing supplement surveys among American people who complain on the routine. These government organizations  are giving surveys of a people who have complain with the routine and mostly extensive data collection tools.  By this, the  government personnel  will understand the level of satisfaction with  the existing customers. (http://www.customerexpressions.com/cex/cexweb.nsf/(GetPages)/fb0e21c03e1a1fbb85257011006e6396) The government –company partners focus on clear customer target groups. One company that serves a wide variety of customers decided to focus on its high-volume business customers. Three months after a high-volume business customer has complained, the company follows up to find out whether they are still using their services and, if not, the reasons for dissatisfaction. In addition, the company routinely solicits feedback before, during, and after service. It conducts focus groups and has established a Customer Advisory Council to drive decisions related to this key target group.  All these organizations   try to anticipate the needs and problems about a product or service.  In the same time, the government organizations has been educating their customers. (http://www.customerexpressions.com/cex/cexweb.nsf/(GetPages)/fb0e21c03e1a1fbb85257011006e6396)   References: (http://govinfo.library.unt.edu/npr/library/announc/survey.html) (http://www.customerexpressions.com/cex/cexweb.nsf/(GetPages)/fb0e21c03e1a1fbb85257011006e6396) (http://www.customerexpressions.com/cex/cexweb.nsf/(GetPages)/fb0e21c03e1a1fbb85257011006e6396)

Assessment of Customer Satisfaction in Governmental Organization

Customer Satisfaction in Governmental Organization In every part of America, taxpayers are giving their satisfaction rating to the ...

Proposal

Effects to Muslim Community of American Fight against Islamic Fundamentalism Background             Post 9/11 America showed the US government bent towards the reassertion of the integrity of the American nation after its sovereignty has been breached by terrorist attacks on its own territory. The terrorist attacks were attributed to Islamic fundamentalism espoused by anti-western imperialist groups such as the Al Qaeda network. (Hayajneh, 2004) However, as the war against terrorism continued, the US government expanded its military ‘defensive’ action to encompass Islamic fundamentalism through the launch of preemptive war in Iraq but sending a strong message throughout other predominantly Muslim countries. While the international battle against international terrorism has not been put to question, the preemptive war against Islamic fundamentalism has been subject to debate in the international political arena. Advocates of the preemptive war cite Article 51 of the UN Charter providing for the right of states to self-defense against armed attacks and allowing for defensive actions until the Security Council deals with the matter. Iraq’s alleged nuclear weapons were considered a threat to the national security of the United States because of its anti-western ideology justifying the self-defense based preemptive war launched by the United States against the country. Critiques of the preemptive war provide that targeting the wider sphere of Islamic fundamentalism instead of focusing on terrorism is uncalled for because there is no sufficient justification for unifying Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism or even equivocating Islam and terrorism. The war launched by the United States government against Islamic fundamentalism has greatly impacted Iraq. This has also affected Muslim communities around the world. (Chernus, 2006)     Research Problem             The continuing US-led fight against Islamic fundamentalism has affected Muslim communities around the world. The research investigates the nature, characteristics and extent of the effect of the preemptive action against Islamic fundamentalism to Muslim communities across the globe. Significance             As the preemptive war against Islamic fundamentalism persists, the debate over the morality and legality of this US-led action remains unsettled. The research would provide informational support as contribution to academic efforts to clarify the various aspects of the issue in order to develop policy recommendations on the continuing preemptive fight against Islamic fundamentalism recognized to have effects on Muslim communities. The study would also elicit information on an area that lacks research but has great implications to the future of the fight against Islamic fundamentalism.    Review of Related Literature             From the perspective of states having significant pockets of Muslim communities, the continuing war against Islamic fundamentalism could result to breach in domestic security and economic instability. This is the reason why India and Pakistan have distanced from the US-led war against Islamic fundamentalism despite their recognition of the United States as an important political and economic ally. Their participation in the war against Islamic fundamentalism could stir uprising in the more than 120 million Muslims living in India and Pakistan because of the incessant media portrayal of Muslims and Islamic fundamentalists as terrorists. A civil conflict of this proportion could render the governments unstable that could result to the overthrowing of current political leaders. Political instability in these countries would negatively affect economic activities resulting to the flight of foreign investments and losses in domestic businesses, comprising consequences that these countries are not willing to risk. (Malkin, 2004)             From the perspective of Muslim communities, the most blatant effect of the U.S. fights against Islamic fundamentalism is the sowing of stereotyping among cultural groups and communities because of the barrage of negative media portrayals of Islam. The continued linking of Islam and Islamic fundamentalism to terrorism has created a negative image for Muslim communities. The result is the development of a disparity in the definition of Islamic fundamentalism in western and Muslim communities. Among Muslims, Islamic fundamentalism refers to the movement to reinforce Islamic values and the rule of Shari’a law amidst the growing influence of western ideologies, inconsistent with Mohammedan teachings. Islamic fundamentalism has been expressed in predominantly Muslim countries such as Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Iran, North Africa and Pakistan, although in varying degrees of fundamentalism and areas of implementation. The goal of Islamic fundamentalism is the achievement of social justice through the application of the teachings of Islam. (Jansen, 1997)             The long-term move of Muslim countries to reassert Islam and Islamic teachings in political governance and societal life has been perceived by western governments as Islamic fundamentalism. With the intensification of the US-led preemptive war against Islamic fundamentalism, the movement has been linked to images of terrorist activities such as hostage takings, siege of embassies, hijackings, and suicide bombings. This created a negative image of Islamic fundamentalism and Islam to the extent that Muslim communities experienced various forms of discrimination and violence. (Malkin, 2004)             Muslim communities have experienced the consequences of stereotyping. Muslims experience discrimination in the areas of employment and housing. In the workplace, Muslim employees may experience threats from co-workers and employers with strong reactions towards terrorism. Some find it difficult to find jobs because they are perceived differently by some employers or employers may hesitate to hire Muslims as employees or employers may impose different standards and requirements towards Muslims. In terms of housing, some Muslim families and communities find it difficult to seek the approval of zoning boards and even neighbors to in establishing places of worship. Muslims also experience varying levels of violence from harassment to assault and even death. (Fekete, 2004)   Methodology To obtain primary and secondary data needed to complete the study, the descriptive research is the appropriate approach because this tries to explore the causes of a particular phenomenon, present facts concerning the nature and status of a situation, as it exists at the time of the study, and portray an accurate profile of persons, events or situations (Creswell, 1994; Robson, 2002). Descriptive approach includes the data gathering tools of interview and observation. For this study, the interview method guided by a questionnaire will be used in data collection to allow more control over the research process and obtain wide-ranging data (Rubin and Rubin, 1995). In analyzing research data, the qualitative method works efficiently in eliciting detailed verbal and written descriptions or accounts of characteristics, cases and situations (Alasuutari, 1998) presented through tabulations, means and variances in the answers given by Muslim research participants, from Muslim communities in the United States, to the interview. Sunni-Shiite War in Iraq: What’s the Real Score? Background              After the establishment of a new government in Iraq following the US-led invasion of the country resulting to the capture of Saddam Hussein, limited sovereignty was transferred to the Interim Governing Council in 2004 followed by the ratification of the country’s constitution in 2005. The political change has spurred the division between the majority Shiite and the minority Sunni Islam religious factions. The conflict between the two factions commenced as sectarian violence until it worsened into a full blown civil war towards the middle of 2006. (Nasr, 2006) Based on the survey conducted by John Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health (2006), a conservative estimate of the deaths arising from the civil war totals 654,965 and less than one third of these deaths are attributed to military actions by coalition forces. Although, claims of undue violence by coalition forces comprise another issue altogether, statistics show that there are more people dying from the Sunni-Shiite conflict when compared to deaths brought about by coalition forces in Iraq. According to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (2006), there were at least 365,000 Iraqis displaced during the US attacks on Iraq but with the civil war the number escalated to 1.6 million displaced individuals.             The civil war evolved from the insurgency movement of the Sunni minority based on social, economic and political oppression translated into the dominance of the Shiite religious beliefs in the community, limited economic opportunities, and lack of political representation. The root of the problem seems to emanate from the desire of a minority group to assert itself in the community in order to derive similar, equivalent or even proportional opportunities and benefits as experienced by the majority.   Research Problem             The civil war in Iraq appears to be similar to other civil disturbances in other states. However, the difference is that the primary groups involved in the civil are different Islamic religious factions adding a religious twist into the conflict different from the political, economic and socio-cultural bases of conflicts in other countries. The study seeks to investigate in depth the real reason or root cause of the Sunni-Shiite conflict in Iraq in order to draw significant implications on the manner of arresting the civil war.  Significance             Academic research and society in general have been engrossed in the results of the Sunni-Shiite civil war in Iraq and the links of the US-led attacks in the country causing the establishment of a new government to the civil war together with the implications of these factors to the stability of the country and international peace and order. However, the root cause of the civil war have been given limited attention despite the significance of this information in determining ways of deterring the further intensification of the conflict and achieving peace in Iraq. The research would closely investigate the historical roots of the Sunni-Shiite conflict in order to trace the reason or reasons resulting to the persistence of the conflict and the difficulty faced by the Iraqi government and peace-keeping troops in averting further violence and deaths. Review of Related Literature             Although, 95 percent of the population of Iraq are comprised of Muslims and the remaining 5 percent are Christian and Yezidi, a civil still occurred dividing the majority Muslim population. The conflict emerged between the majority Shiite Islamic faction comprising 65 percent of the Iraqi population and the minority Sunni Islamic faction comprising 35 percent of the total population in Iraq. However, apart from the division of the country into religious factions, these factions are further divided according to ethnic strands. Three-fourths or 75 percent of the Iraqi population are Arabs adhering to either Sunni or Shiite Muslim tradition, twenty percent are Kurdish with majority adhering to the Sunni tradition but expressed through secular governance, 3 percent are Assyrians and the remaining 2 percent are Turkoman playing no significant role in the conflict. Based on this religious and cultural delineation of the Iraqi people, the primary players in the conflict are the Arab-Sunni and Arab-Shiite factions with the Kurdish Sunni and Shiites trapped in between the conflicting factions. (Tripp, 2001; Marr, 2004)             Due to the uneven distribution of the population among the religious and cultural factions, this would inevitably lead to the existence of minority groups. Depending upon the manner that the majority manages governance determines the existence of harmony or conflict between the minority and majority groups (Zubaida, 2005). In terms of religious practices, the assertion of the majority of its Islamic tradition to the minority would result to the resistance of the minority groups adhering to a different Islamic tradition. The extent of resistance could range from the development of dual identities of complying with the majority tradition but practicing the minority tradition in a secretive manner to the segregation of the minority in a guarded territory and then to the radical armed struggle against the majority. A civil war is the conclusion or the totality of a protracted conflict between two groups so that the Sunni-Shiite conflict has been brewing for some time. This only escalated due to the opportunity for assertion of rights that the change in political governance opened to the minority groups.             Religious and cultural underpinnings of a civil war cannot be removed from its political and economic aspects. Iraq is an oil rich country able to support its needs for the next decade with the efficient management of its oil refineries. These refineries provide employment as well as fuel the establishment of employment producing industries providing income to households and individuals. With the majority Shiite Islamic faction having control of the government, it also gained control of oil refineries and other linked economic activities. In policy formation and decision-making, the direction targeted by the majority group gets to be implemented. As a result, minority groups are pushed towards the fringes of society in terms of government welfare support, economic opportunities and political representation. Minority groups fail to gain access to channels where they can assert their interests. (Nasr, 2006)   Methodology Secondary data required for the research will be collected through the descriptive approach, aimed at capturing the nature of a situation and explore the cause/s of particular phenomena (Holloway, 1997). The descriptive approach is quick and flexible giving rise to three advantages: first, when new issues and questions arise during the duration of the study, this approach allows a further investigation; second, when there are unproductive areas from the original plan of the study, the researcher can drop them; and third, the approach is more practical in terms of time and money (Creswell, 1994). Data requirement for the research covers the analysis of existing secondary sources on the root cause/s of the Sunni-Shiite conflict and determine information or research gaps.

Proposal

Effects to Muslim Community of American Fight against Islamic Fundamentalism Background Post 9/11 America showed the US g...

The Food and Agricultural Organization

1) How does Australia finance its current account deficit? What long-term problems will arise for Australia if it uses its capital account surplus to fund current consumption instead of increasing its productive capacity? Explain carefully. What evidence exists that this is a problem?               Current account deficit encompasses a situation where there are greater amounts of goods and services imported into the country compared to the amount of the goods and services exported outside of the country so that debits exceed credits. This means that the country’s expenditure for imports exceeds the amount that enters the country from exports. Theoretically, macroeconomic policy in this situation centres on achieving balance between aggregate demand and supply. On one hand, the government can implement demand-side policy by influencing the extent of spending of the economy. By doing so, cutbacks on import purchases will have a positive effect on production and prices of domestic products and on local employment. On the other hand, the government can implement supply-side policy by providing incentives for business people and workers to enhance the level of productivity in the economy. (Jackson and McIver, 2001)             In application, Australia focused on demand-side policy to address its persisting current account deficit cycling to and from one and a half to seven and one fourth percent or an average of four and a half percent of the gross domestic product. The federal government’s response included compulsory private-saving schemes together with sustained fiscal restraint (Gruen, 2005). These had the effect of increasing the national savings to a level that the country could not have achieved without a tight fiscal policy. In the national budget for 2005-2006 the government affirmed its commitment towards gradual but continuing tightening of fiscal policy in the medium term. Through this strategy, budget balance persists on the average above the cycle with the effect of current account deficit decreasing to one fourth to one half of GDP despite the exclusion of the Future Fund asset earnings from the budget.               Capital account comprises the record of the flow of funds coming out and getting into a country or debit and credit respectively. A capital account surplus means that funds getting into the country are higher than the amount exiting the country on capital account (Jackson and McIver, 2001). The flow of funds covers activities such as the disposal and acquisition of fixed assets such as land, fund transfer of funds by migrants, government grant payments for overseas projects, and government receipt of money for capital projects. Capital account surplus relative to the current account means that the country has sold its assets or incurred debt in order to meet the current account deficit. Current account and capital account comprise equivalent or comparable variables in the balance of payments.             With a capital account surplus, the government’s decision to use the surplus for consumption instead of investing in the enhancement of the economy’s productive capacity involves several implications. Ideally, spending on consumption instead of investment into production will not cause a significant multiplier effect over the money spent for consumption. While it is true that consumption would accrues revenue to businesses, giving them the financial capability to expand production, which in turn creates employment and provides income to people, the process does not necessarily lead to further production because of the many uncontrollable intervening factors such as the decision of the business firm not to expand or spend profit for other things. Moreover, this only has a short-term, minimal effect relative to the fiscal tightening policy of the government. This is because even with spending providing revenue to businesses, the encouragement of savings by the government would lead to the decrease in demand, which would not support the expansion of production. To motivate businesses to expand their production capacities, the expected increase in demand should be sufficient enough to equal the increase in production. If businesses perceive that people are more inclined to save instead of save, they would not invest the money derived from the spending of the surplus for consumption.             Without expansions in production to make domestic products competitive to imports, the entry of cheaper import products into the Australian market would further increase the current account deficit. Despite the tight fiscal policy of the government, this may not be enough to arrest or minimize the persisting deficit. The insufficiency of the tightening fiscal policy as a solution to current fiscal deficit is justified by the inability of the government to achieve its goal to minimize deficit to a level less than one percent of the gross domestic product. The current account deficit may stretch towards its fourth decade of unacceptable value. 2) What effects might each of the following have on aggregate demand or short-run and long-run aggregate supply curves?   a) A widespread fear of depression among consumers               Fear of depression would dampen consumption since the anticipation of the economic downturn would cause people to save whatever money they have at present in preparation for the depression. As a result, business firms would cut-back on investment expenditures. These two components of aggregate demand would shift the curve to the left. On the supply side, in the short-run the decrease in consumption would cause a movement along the aggregate supply curve as business firms try to match the price of consumers. However, with a decline in potential output, the aggregate supply curve would shift to the right.    b) The sale of wheat to the Russian federation             The Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) issued the forecast that in 2006, the world wheat output would decrease by 6 million tonnes compared to production in 2005. If Australia sells wheat to the Russian federation, the price of wheat would increase due to the expected increases in wheat consumption per year coupled with the decrease in supply due to the export of wheat to the Russian federation. In the short and long run, there would be movements along the aggregate supply curve due to price changes. In the long run, the demand curve would shift to the right due to the change in consumption and exports.    c) A tax leading to 5 cents per litre increase in petrol prices             An increase in the price of petrol would result to corresponding increases in consumer products. Price increases would affect the demand and supply of consumer products causing movements along the aggregate supply and demand curves as consumers and suppliers seek to find a level of equilibrium levels at a price level acceptable to both parties. d) An increase in the money supply              An increase in money supply could translate to more money circulating the economy for the purchase of goods and services. The circulation of money affects consumption and investment expenditures shifting the aggregate demand curve to the right. In the short run, there would be movements along the aggregate supply curve as prices react to increased consumption. In the long-run the increased expectation of potential output would shift the aggregate supply curve to the right. e) A cut in commonwealth spending for higher education             A decrease in government expenditure, assuming that all other components of aggregate demand are in ceteris paribus, would shift the aggregate demand curve to the left. In the short run, there would be movements along the aggregate supply curve as price reacts to decreased spending or demand. In the long run, aggregate supply curve would shift to the left if there is an expectation of decreased potential output due to the decreased government spending. f) An increase in interest rates             An increase in real interest rates not influenced by price negatively affects planned investment spending. This would shift the entire aggregate demand curve to the left. In the short-run there would be negligible movements along the aggregate supply curve. In the long-run, the aggregate supply curve would shift to the left due to the expected decline in potential output. g) The discovery of cheaper energy sources             The discovery of cheaper sources of energy would decrease the price of consumer goods and services previously dependent on oil products. In the short-run, the decrease in price would result to movements in the demand curve due to increased consumption. In the long-run, changes in consumption would shift the demand curve to the right. In the short-run, movements along the aggregate supply curve would happen due to reactions to increased demand. In the long-run, the aggregate supply curve would shift to the right when influenced by expected increases in potential output brought about by other factors apart from price/ h) Tax reductions             Tax reductions would normally increase the income of households available for consumption and the money of business firms for investments. The changes in consumption and investments shift the aggregate demand curve to the right. In the short run, there would be movements along the aggregate supply curve due to the reactions to price changes and increased demand. In the long-run, investments would increase potential output shifting the aggregate supply curve to the right. 3) a) Using the aggregate demand-aggregate supply model, explain how discretionary fiscal policy can be used to reduce the effects of demand-pull inflation.               Demand-pull inflation refers to the increase in prices due to the continuing increases in aggregate demand represented by the aggregate demand curve persistently shifting towards the right (Sloman and Sutcliffe, 2001). Fiscal policy may be adopted to address this characteristic of the business cycle. However, the fiscal policy may be either discretionary or non-discretionary. Discretionary fiscal policy refers to the government action designed to decrease or increase taxes, expenditures or both to achieve domestic output with full employment together with minimal inflation.             In addressing demand-pull inflation resulting to increased prices, contractionary fiscal policy is advisable. The government can increase taxes, decrease public spending, or do both to lower the level of inflation. Increasing taxes would lower the disposable income of families and business firms. The change in consumption would cause the aggregate demand curve to shift towards the left. The shift in turn addresses the inflationary gap. Decreasing government spending reduces expenditures resulting to a shift in the aggregate demand curve towards the left. This would in turn reduce the inflationary gap. The graph below shows the changes in aggregate demand caused by contractionary discretionary fiscal policy.       b) How may fiscal policy be used to increase the equilibrium level of real GDP while minimising the impact of inflation? Use the aggregate demand-aggregate supply model as the framework for your answer.               Real GDP refers to the real value of aggregate final commodities produced in an economy after being adjusted for inflation. Equilibrium level of real GDP is the value where aggregate demand and aggregate supply meet at a certain price level. In considering the AD-AS model, a decrease in price would increase the value of real commodities demanded while an increase in price would result to increases in real supply of commodities. Equilibrium for an aggregate economy is similar to the demand supply relationship in a single product. The intersection of AD and AS determines the equilibrium, overall price level, and the equilibrium real GDP. Concurrently, prices above the equilibrium create aggregate surpluses while prices below the equilibrium create aggregate shortages. The graph below shows real GDP equilibrium.                     Increasing the equilibrium level of real GDP without increasing price means shifting the aggregate supply and aggregate demand to the right without utilizing or affecting price such as through fiscal policy. To shift aggregate demand to the right, the government has the option to cut-back on taxes to change consumption or increase government spending in order to shift the demand curve towards the right. Simultaneously, the government may also create a business environment conducive to investments such as tax holidays or relaxed regulations to influence increase in expected or potential output shifting the aggregate supply curve to the right. These policies should be simultaneously implemented so as aggregate demand increases so will aggregate supply resulting to an increase in equilibrium level without affecting price.    4) Show the implications of the supply-siders' arguments in the aggregate demand-aggregate supply framework. Do you think that tax-transfer disincentives have a short-run or long-run impact, or both? Explain.               Tax transfer system in Australia creates the situation where the government spend in providing benefits and assistance to unemployed Australians. As much as this system secures the welfare of the population, it also creates the disincentive for people to work or to gain employment offering them income at levels that would disqualify them from the transfer payments. This is due to the burdens of working considered with the expected compensation from employment relative to the amount received for transfer payment eligibility. Overall, tax transfer disincentives influence the motivation for people to work depending upon the comparison of expected benefits. Transfer disincentives also influence the motivation to work since receiving benefits usually outweigh the burdens involved in employment, especially if the income received is not enough to offset these burdens. The security of receiving an amount of welfare money every month also works against the motivation to save and invest because of the security.             Tax transfer disincentives have short-run and long-run impact. Short-run impact of the transfer payments comprises the sustained expenditures of households because of the secured amount they receive every month. However, the impact is not that radical because of spending is not expected to increase. In the long-run, transfer payments will have an impact on economic growth in the area of productivity. Transfer payments negatively affect production because the money transferred from those with income able to pay tax to the people without income involves government expenditure without a resultant production. In the circular flow of income, this means that there is a withdrawal without necessarily being compensation with an injection. The bulk of transfer payments withdrawn from the government do not necessarily coincide with an inflow of tax revenue especially with the dragging of tax reforms, which would increase the tax burden upon the people belonging to the highest income percentile. Relative to the AD-AS dynamics, expenditure without direct impact on production will not have a significant multiplier impact towards aggregate demand or supply indicating economic growth.             Moreover, production depends upon resource factors such as labour and savings. With the tax transfer disincentives, there would be no motivation for employment, when employment is a key ingredient in production. The impact of the decision to remain unemployed due to transfer payments depends upon the supply and demand of labour. In situations where there is labour surplus, the unemployment of certain segments of the population would not influence the price of labour because of the voluntary decision not to work instead of competing for limited employment opportunities. In situations where there is labour shortage, the voluntary decision of people not to work due to the security of transfer payments would increase the price of labour. This would in turn increase the price of commodities produced. Depending upon the characteristic of the product, the general trend would a decrease in consumption of the product. Decreased consumption would translate to decreased revenue and lesser amount for allocation to further production. Concurrently, scarcity of labour has a shrinking effect to production. On a larger scale, a shrinking production causes movements along the aggregate demand and supply curves resulting to an equilibrium point representing lower output at higher prices.             With tax transfer disincentives, there would be no motivation for people to save or invest. Production suffers from lack of savings and investments. The increase in the    level of production of goods and services depends upon the availability of funds and the conduciveness of fund access to business ventures. Lack of savings and investments resulting to limited funds hamper production even with a conducive environment for borrowing. On the bigger scale, lack of savings and investments would result to an AD-AS equilibrium point involving lesser output at higher price levels.

The Food and Agricultural Organization

1) How does Australia finance its current account deficit? What long-term problems will arise for Australia if it uses its capital account...

THE ROLE OF GAMING INDUSTRY IN NEVADA POLITICS

Introduction               The more than continental stretch of the American domain is given form and character as a federal union on fifty different states whose institutions order the American landscape.  The existence of these stages made possible the emergence of a continental nation where liberty, not despotism, reigns and where self-government is the first principle of order.  The great American republic was born in its states as its very name signifies.  America’s first founding was repeated on thirteen separate occasions over 125 years. Most of the American states are larger and better developed than most of the world’s nations.  Territorially, Nevada is one of the Union’s larger states, but in terms of its population, it is still one of the smallest despite its rapid growth in recent decades (Elliott & Rowley 14).               Nevada, though long considered an artificial entity established to secure Lincoln’s majority in 1864 presidential election and subsequently an economic and social appendage of California, nevertheless has come to have its own personality and a distinctive way of life within the American context.  As in the case of each state, Nevada was first given political form and acquired these other characteristics.             Each state has its own constitution, its own political culture, its own relationship to the federal union and to its sections, all of which give each state its own law and history and for most, the longer such history, the more distinctive the state. The political form of a certain state is affected by different industries within such state and since the gaming industry can be considered as the most dominant industry within Nevada, the main goal of this research is to determine the role that gaming industries play in the political form or functions of Nevada.             Nevada Politics               The overall characteristic of the Nevada politics is on individualistic political culture which focuses on the centrality of private concerns. In addition, such culture places a premium on limiting community intervention, whether governmental or nongovernmental—into private activities to the minimum necessary to keep the marketplace in proper working order (Elazar 86, 87). This attitude is most visible nationally in the legalization of prostitution in much of Nevada. The "right of privacy" is important, too, to the average Nevadan, for 63 percent of the electorate voted in 1990 to restrict the legislature from making any changes in the 1973 abortion law. The statute basically concurs with the majority opinion in the Roe v. Wade (1973) decision of the U.S. Supreme Court. Other features of the individualistic political culture include a "political life based on a system of mutual obligations rooted in personal relationships" and opposition to big government, big business, and big labor (Elazar 88). Personal relationships in Nevada plays important role on the state’s political history, legislature, governor, and interest groups,   The statement of Elazar that, in an individualistic political culture, "politicians are interested in office as a means of controlling the distribution of favors or rewards of government rather than as a means of exercising governmental power for programmatic ends" and "since political corruption is not unexpected, there is relatively little popular excitement when any is found unless it is of an extraordinary character" describe the Nevada political scene (Elazar, 88-89).  The governor's most important impact on government is the apportionment of expenditures in the executive budget. Likewise, the preferred committee assignments in both houses of the legislature are seats on the money panels.   The average Nevadan's belief in an individualistic political culture is extended to belief in the rights of an individual state in its relationship with the federal government. This tenet has been strongly asserted recently in the nuclear waste depository controversy. Armed with polls showing that Nevadans were strongly opposed to a high-level nuclear waste site in the state, two governors and Nevada's entire congressional delegation have battled both the executive and legislative branches of the federal government for over a decade on the issue.   Nevada's history illustrates the important role that the federal government has played in the state and the types of questions that arise in a federal system, as can be noted by the following example: The admission of Nevada to the statehood was facilitated by President Lincoln’s desire for more support in Congress for his views on issues related to the Civil war. The President believed, correctly that the representation of Nevada would support his views when they took seats in Congress.    Nevada is unique among the states in that its constitution contains what is known as the "paramount allegiance clause," which states, "The paramount allegiance of every citizen is due to the federal government, in the exercise of all its constitutional powers, as the same have been, or may be, defined by the Supreme Court of the United States, and no power exists in the people of this or any other state of the federal union to dissolve their connection therewith, or perform any act tending to impair, subvert, or resist the supreme authority of the government of the United States."   This firm stand in favor of national supremacy is best understood in the Context of the historical period in which it was written. Nevada's fundamental law was drawn up in the midst of the Civil War, and the framers were solidly on the side of the North and Lincoln. With feelings running high in the Nevada Territory against the South, it was not surprising that the constitution contained strong support for the concept of the supremacy of the federal government.   Overall, Nevada's fundamental law fits Daniel Eliza’s "frame of government pattern" of classification of state constitutions. In this pattern, the "constitutions are frames of government first and foremost. They explicitly reflect the republican and democratic principles dominant in the nation in the late nineteenth century" (Elazar, 21).   Nevada's constitution is more than twice as long as the federal Constitution, but it is shorter than the fundamental law of twenty-six states (Book of the States, 20). As of 1995, the Nevada Constitution had been amended 116 times; 75 other proposed amendments had been rejected by the voters at the polls. From 1976 to 1994, inclusive, the Nevada electorate approved 60 percent of the 77 amendments that were proposed, excluding the four amendments proposed by initiative that were approved for the first time in 1994 and will be voted on again in 1996. During the previous 112 years of the state's history, only 114 amendments had been proposed by the legislature or the initiative process. While recent legislatures have been much more active in proposing amendments, the electorate has not been any more inclined to approve the changes in the state's basic law. From 1878 through 1974, the voters approved approximately the same percentage (61.5) of proposed amendments as in the most recent eighteen-year period.               The main theme of this study of Nevada politics and government has been that the highly individualistic political culture of Nevada has produced a conservative political philosophy in an open society. In addition, sub themes include the effects on the state's political system of the ever-increasing concentration of its population and the "love-hate" relationship with the federal government, which owns and manages 87 percent of the state's land. These concluding observations summarize the effects of these themes and comment on their importance—along with the potential impact of term limits— for the future of the state's politics.   Gaming Industries in Nevada   Legal casino gambling began in 1931 in Nevada. The actors involved in the casino policy process, and the beliefs and expectations of these actors, have very much evolved out of the history of the casino industry (Thompson 111). The image of casinos was linked for many years to the mob-controlled Las Vegas casinos such as the Flamingo, which was built in 1946 by “Bugsy” Siegel. In 1966, Howard Hughes “was a leading and respected businessman. His entry into Las Vegas and his purchase of several casinos was a watershed event in the transition of the Nevada gaming industry” (Dombrink & Thompson  22). By 1972, major corporate players—including Hilton, Hyatt, and Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer (MGM)—had invested heavily in Nevada and clearly helped to upgrade the image of casinos. Prior to that time, many of the sources of capital for Las Vegas casinos included “questionable” funding such as the Teamsters Central States Pension Fund (Skolnick, 58). The gaming industries in Nevada continuously grow and become an important part of the state’s social, economical and political system.   Politics and Gaming Industries                         In Nevada, gaming was legalized in 1931.  And since its legalization, gaming industries has been able to influence different aspects, specifically the political aspects of the Nevadans. Part of the political form of Nevada is their legislators. Nevada prefer citizen legislature that meets in regular session for about six months during odd-numbered years (Bybee & Mayer 59). Thus, members have occupation which enable them the flexibility to be away for the lengths of the legislative sessions. In these legislators, agents from gaming industries are included or involved. These interest groups from gaming industry have tremendous influence in the political system of Nevada.   During the early years, Nevada politics was dominated by the mining and railroad interests; during the next fifty years, the most influential interests were those connected with the Wingfield, McCarran, and Biltz-Cord machines, which exercised considerable political clout because of the effectiveness of lobbyist John Mueller. In the 1960s, the gaming industry began to operate more responsibly and became the dominant interest group. Then, in the late 1980s and early 1990s, the influence of the Nevada State Education Association (NSEA) with both Governor Bob Miller and the legislature allowed the NSEA to challenge gaming for the position of the most powerful group.   One of the roles that gaming industries played in Nevada’s politics is in terms of aiding political campaigns. The old adage that "money is the mother's milk" of politics has been true in Nevada from the days of the "bag men" who bought elections to the present, when large campaign donations from the gaming industry guarantee generally favorable treatment in the legislature. A "sting" operation in the mid-1980s did result in one Nevada legislator serving time in federal prison, but other politicians who accepted campaign donations from reputed mobsters in the gaming industry have been able to survive.               Financial contributions to political campaigns are used by interest groups to gain access and influence at all levels of American politics. In Nevada, the gaming industry has been the major player in making contributions. In some gubernatorial campaigns, gaming has contributed more than half of the funds expended by the candidates. It is common practice for the major hotel casinos to contribute to both major party candidates in such elections, although the amounts will vary. Gaming also contributes heavily to the campaigns of key legislators.   In a survey of members of the 1983 legislature, the interest groups rated "most influential" were two gaming industry groups. The Nevada Resort Association, which represented the large hotel-casinos in Clark County at the time, was ranked first, with the Gaming Industry Association, representing northern Nevada casinos, being a close second (Driggs, 1988). Not surprisingly, the three lobbyists who were considered "most effective" by the legislators during the session— Jim Joyce, Harvey Whittemore, and Sam McMullen—all represented gaming interests.               In the 1993 sessions, the gaming industry was the second most influential group at the 1993 session. Jim Joyce died during the 1993 session, and Harvey Whittemore, a member of the powerful Lionel, Sawyer, and Collins law firm, assumed the mantle of the most effective lobbyist at the 1993 and 1995 sessions. During the 1995 session, Whittemore and Richard Bunker, another gaming lobbyist, were informal advisers to Governor Miller and helped him in the legislature.                          Further, in 1995, gaming profits hit all-time highs in terms of financial stability but, ominously, so did the influence of gamers in Carson City. The increased economic power of the Nevada casino or gaming industry and the rising tide of fiscal conservatism which in 1994 awarded republicans, who were heavily supported by the gaming control the state senate and a tie in the assembly, bodes ill for the public sector. These two factors are related, because in the past few years Nevada and especially Las Vegas casino interests have shifted their campaign contributions in the direction of Republican candidates for the state senate and assembly. They also have rewarded pliable Democrats such as Governor Bob Miller.   The recent growth of Nevada’s gaming power and the Republicans’ influence has dramatically strengthened the political economy of gambling. In the 1990s, more than at any other time in the state's modern history, the casino elite exerted a strong influence, if not control, over many lawmakers in Carson City. Nevada's chief executive was another reason for this. Although a professed Democrat, Miller came from a “well-connected” gaming family in Las Vegas, and enjoyed political support from nearly every major casino owner in the state. Not surprisingly, he saw many issues their way.   A clear barometer of that support was evident in 1994 when Steve Wynn openly supported Miller over Las Vegas Mayor Jan Laverty Jones in Nevada's Democratic gubernatorial primary. In the 1990s, Wynn became a political force to be reckoned with. He strongly encouraged voter registration among his thousands of employees, openly communicated his political concerns to them, and contributed heavily to pro-gaming candidates. As the local political consultant Don Williams recently observed, “[W]hen Steve Wynn picks up the telephone, most politicians jump. He doesn't get everything he wants, but he rarely loses. ”   Governor Miller has been a prime beneficiary of Wynn's largesse. Thirteen of the fifteen top contributors to Miller's 1994 reelection campaign were gaming companies or their top executives. Wynn alone gave $70,000, exploiting a loophole in the state law limiting any corporation's gift to $20,000 by spreading separate donations across four subsidiaries, a move that drew the ire of Common Cause in Nevada. Miller also received thousands of dollars from two major slot and video poker machine manufacturers, Bally's and International Game Technology (IGT). Another major contributor was Barrick Gold, the state's largest gold mining company.   The political economy of gambling is alive and well not only in Nevada's executive mansion but in the state legislature (especially the Republican State Senate), both houses of which are dominated numerically by Las Vegas area politicians. During the 1995 session, the casino industry, led by two Republican state senators, Sue Lowden of Las Vegas and Reno's Bill Raggio, led the fight against any tax increases.   Lowden, the wife of the then prominent Las Vegas casino owner Paul Lowden (who, at the time of her election in 1992, owned the Sahara and Hacienda hotels on the Strip, as well as two others), became chair of the Senate Taxation Committee in 1995 with the support of Majority Leader Raggio (who, incidentally, was a member of Paul Lowden's board of directors). This marked the first time in Nevada history that a major casino executive (and practically a co-owner) had chaired the committee that decided the state's gaming and mining taxes—a dangerous precedent largely ignored by the state's print and electronic media.               In addition, the gaming industry has been considered as one of the notable interest group in the Senatorial race in Nevada.  Herein, gaming interest play a vital part to both candidates and parties. The gaming interest who plays part in the 1998 senatorial race have devoted large amount of their resources (Anonymous, 1) in order to defeat a Californian initiative which would allow Las Vegas style casino gambling on Californian Native American reservations.               This contribution has continued until the twentieth century. In 2002, the gaming industries have been able to contribute more than $14.4 million for political campaigns.  It is noted that the most essential context about gaming or involving money in politics is its pureness.  Such context flow without pretext or alleged reasons and there is not interest in influencing the results.  The gaming industries see giving money as an investment in terms of politicians (Smith 1).               Another important role of gaming industry in the political system of Nevada is in terms of hiring the top lobbyists to make gaming cases in the legislature. Since, gaming industries continue to become economically stable, these industries are also trying to secure their place as the most influential group, hence, hiring the top lobbyist ensures gaming industries to gain competitive advantage. Lobbyists are individual who represents variety of interests, including gambling.   Lobbyists use many techniques to influence legislators. In 1971 Faun Dixon conducted a survey of legislators and lobbyists as to what they considered the most effective techniques. The two groups agreed that the four most important techniques were personal presentation of arguments, presenting research results, testifying at hearings, and contact by a constituent (Montara 48). These techniques would still be ranked highly in the 1990s, with perhaps the addition of "contributing work in a political campaign" to the list.   Joseph Crowley, who has testified at nine legislative sessions as president of the University of Nevada, Reno, has listed the following words as being important guidelines to effective lobbying: preparation, persistence, patience, credibility, and access. As most legislators would quickly point out, lobbyists play a vital role in the legislative process. Just as in the case of the individual legislator, an individual lobbyist cannot be effective unless his or her word can be trusted.   Conclusion                         It can be said that Nevada does have more open society and political system than other states.  Its political system has generally been conservative. Modern conservatism includes belief in the importance of family, an emphasis on property rights, a limited role for government, low taxation and skepticism about innovation.  Although gaming do not set well with some conservatives, they are still considered as a part of Nevada’s tradition and do conform to the libertarian view of individual freedom. Economic and political aspects were mainly responsible for the legalization of gaming industries.               The legality of gaming industries in Nevada has become a very important factor why these industries can be considered as influential in different aspects of the state.  Aside from the economic growth and stability, gaming industries also plays an important role in the political system of Nevada.  The major function of gaming industries in terms of politics is in terms of giving financial assistance to candidates and parties who will run in the legislative position.  Because, gaming industries are the most profitable industry within the state, they have enough financial resources to help a candidate that they want to support in an election.               Although, Nevada is more concerned about taxing gaming too much and driving an important segment of it out of business, what is perhaps more essential is the notion that gaming industry continues to play a vital role in the campaigns of gubernatorial and legislative candidates.  In addition, the gaming industry also has the funds to hire top lobbyists to make it case at the legislature. All in all, the financial assistance of gaming industries can be considered as the key factor why it becomes influential in the politics of Nevada.

THE ROLE OF GAMING INDUSTRY IN NEVADA POLITICS

Introduction The more than continental stretch of the American domain is given form and character as a...

On the Causes of Bad Public Services

CAUSES OF BAD PUBLIC SERVICE             Public service is an integral part of any governmental agency or bureau. However, looking for a public servant that gives quality public service will often take time, effort and money.             One reason why these public employees lack the motivation to give a satisfactory customer service to citizens is lack of incentives. Incentives propel employees to give their best. The collective reasoning is that they get paid minimum wage, they produce minimum effort in the performance of their daily tasks.             Sometimes, the cause is inadequate staffing. This might be caused by absences, tardiness, or departmental cost-cutting scheme. If this happens, the length of time it takes for a transaction to finish is usually long. Even if the public employee has rendered good service in the performance of his duties,  to  the customer involved, the service in its totality is still bad. It may also be that the public representative is so rushed and harassed especially if the queue is quite long that the tendency is for the representative to dispose of the citizen as speedily as possible. At other times, there is simply no available representative at all and the citizen has to go back again at a later time or day.             It might also be that the bureau or the agency might either suffer from a lack of equipment or equipments that are not  fitted to the demands of the department. Waiting time is the most affected. Documents might get lost or un-upgraded equipments might malfunction.             Other times, lack of training causes bad public service. Depending on the country’s financial status and the budget allocated for each governmental sector, the priority level of customer service trainings might either be on top or at the bottom. However, studies show that  public service also has an impact on the development of a country’s economy.             The culture and mores within a bureaucracy influence neophytes in the bureau to adapt the same thinking and work ethics.             On a grander scale, we can rate public officials  through their capability and trustworthiness. Capability is the competence to determine and act on an objective at the least social cost. Trustworthiness is a trait that guides a politician to execute his duties to the citizens and the nation without asking for kickbacks, bribes, or other forms of inducer.             One theory why they seem to have similar  behavior characteristics or character traits is because low-rate citizens, or those citizens who are dishonest, will likely choose political life as they can obtain more and higher rewards as public officials. On the other hand, high-rate citizens are those people who will lose more if they will give up their private practices and will gain less if they will hold a public office.  As it is, voters do not really have a wide margin as to who to choose when voting.             However, on the chance that high-rate citizens will run for office, tendency is for voters to choose this candidate over low-rate citizens. Since the latter type of citizens far outnumber the former, politics is said to be composed of people with same traits and tendencies to favor the population with the same kind and type of public service.             The second theory deals with the  manipulation of current politician with regards to the rewards of the next batch of public officials. They can determine compensation package and/or they can be proactive by hiring their own bureaucrats. High-rate politicians  will go for policies that will provide the most impact to future public officials while low-rate officials are focused only on policies that will  promote their chances of being re-elected.  Again, since the latter is the majority, then policies and regulations that are created are mostly policies supported by low-rate officials that will sustain their re-election or the re-election of an ally in the future.             According to the statement of Wittman, 1989, [i]behind every model of government failure is an assumption of extreme voter stupidity, serious lack of competition, or excessively high negotiation/transfer costs.    Conversely, a study showed that voters are knowledgeable on the qualities of the candidates they vote for but they are forced to elect low-rate ones due to lack of high-rate candidates. 	 	 		 		 		 		 		[i] Personal.lse.ac.uk

On the Causes of Bad Public Services

CAUSES OF BAD PUBLIC SERVICE Public service is an integral part of any governmental agency or bureau. However, looking for...

The Parole and Probation in the United States

Introduction This paper intends to look into the past and present condition of the parole and probation in the United States. A part of the criminal justice system is the possible relapse of rehabilitated offenders after they have been released from custody based on parole. This is a pressing issue in the country considering the increase of those in probation. This issue is going to be discussed in the later part of the study. The discussion in this context is going to be based on parole and probation’s impact on society.   Status of Parole and Probation in the United States   Based on the work of Glaze and Palla (2004) both the population under probation and parole increased significantly in 2003. On the probation population, it had a 1.2% growth in 2003. Although this indicates that there is still an increase in the population under probation, it still have appositive aspect on it considering that the said increase is less than half of the trend of 2.9% increase every year since 1995.     On the other hand, the country’s parole population similarly increased by 3.1%. This denotes that there were a considerable number of individuals under custody who have been able to rehabilitate through the correctional system provided by the government. This figure is considerably especial since, similar to the probation mark; it is almost twice the average growth. Normally, the growth is 1.7% yearly since 1995.     Discussion   Many elected officers in addition to the public, have traditionally been indecisive in their support for conventional probation and parole agendas. (Doble et al, 1991) Similarly, the account of probation and parole is full of debate on the subject of the degree to which it is as important to crime prevention, justice and public safety as are other elements of the criminal justice system. (Dickey and Smith, 1998) Without a doubt, even the probation and parole vocation itself has frequently undergone internal philosophical partitions about its mission and function. (Clear and Rumgay, 1992)   Throughout the 90s, there was a substantial and understandable boost in professional partnerships involving probation and parole agencies and other criminal justice system elements. This significant development in the direction of criminal justice system inclusion and teamwork is, all together, vital to the success of the vocation and a possible foundation for concealing the identity and function. To preserve its professional identity as a practical public security agenda, probation and parole have to cleave to and advertise its involvements to justice, crime deterrence and public protection. These outcomes are appreciated by the public and, if highlighted by means of policies and practices, will guarantee probation and parole's due position in the spectrum of criminal justice services that are financed by both public and private entities. Devoid of the theoretical limitations granted by a results-motivated vision for particular results, the dynamics of governments and politics, instead of scientific proof and strong theory, build the certainty of the performance of probation and parole. Furthermore, in the brand new world of collaborative partnerships, probation and parole is merely as about to acquire the identity of its partners as to preserve its own professional identity as equivalent associates and not an auxiliary or worse considered utility within the criminal justice system.   Furthermore, probation and parole is a substance of severe importance; it interrelates with issues of life, death, damage and charge to the public. (Rhine and Paparozzi, 1999) Eventually, the worth of probation and parole services will have need of the solidification of the connection involving policies, programs and practices, in addition to the operationalization of result variables that are pertinent to public policy. (Rhine and Paparozzi, 1999) For the previous forty years, probation and parole has endured many, and ostensibly complex, frequency of professional practices. Predominantly, the practice has been strengthened by a collection of theoretical models. Ever since the earlier parts of the 60s to the present, there have been several distinguishable philosophies. These include offender rehabilitation which was evident in the later part of the 60s to the middle part of the 70s. Another is offender punishment and justice for the injured parties. This is prevalent in the middle part of the 70s and in the earlier part of the 80s. A third kind is intermediate measures, punishments and treatment involvements. This was practiced during the middle part of the 80s up until the later part of the 90s. A more current theory is community participation, interagency teamwork and offender re-entry.   Despite expansive conformity from professional insiders, in addition to those external the profession on the subject of the weight of generating valued results, there has been strong practitioner clash relating to the actual institution of strategies, programs and practices whose task, objectives and purposes guarantee that necessary assumptions concerning value to be considered before agendas are planned and executed. (Dickey and Smith, 1998)   In reaction to demands for verifiable value, probation and parole organizations have in recent years come to believe a couple of insightful alterations in the manner that they institute programs and confirm policies and practices for offender management. One is to establish best practices in evidence-based outcomes whenever feasible. Another is to create user-friendly information for lawmakers that give emphasis to outcome over process. The acceptance of the terms of best practices and results has positioned the profession at the verge of what can be best characterized as a business paradigm. However, rather than guaranteeing utmost total shareholder value, as is the condition in thriving companies, probation and parole professionals are summoned to guarantee utmost total taxpayer value.   There has been far-reaching research carried out at the domestic and global levels that has recognized correctional agendas that lessen offender recidivism. (Gendreau, 1996) In spite of this far-reaching and mounting organization of knowledge, and it’s tremendously positive public protection connotations, a lot of elected officials and the public continue to be aggravated with probation and parole at the domestic level. Possibly, this frustration is drawn from the letdown of domestic practitioners to offer understandable evaluative information with reference to the agendas. The nonattendance of understandable and believable program assessment information institutes the basis for ideologically determined, as contrasting to the more favored evidence-found courses of action, agendas and practices.   Certainly, a vigorous professional admiration for research confirmation would bring about the formulation of policies and practices that would reiterate offender rehabilitation as the favored plan for acquiring long-standing public protection. Such a confirmation may even serve up to dispel the contentions as to the effectiveness of rehabilitative in opposition to punishment plans for acquiring public safety. The assertion of rehabilitation in this context has need of a continuing expression of the positive connection involving rehabilitation-founded offender management and individual offender recidivism tolls. Devoid of a practical involvement of offender rehabilitation to public security, the issue of utmost total taxpayer value continues to be unrequited.   For the reason that probation and parole is concentrating on best practices and results, the public protection advantages of offender rehabilitation strategies are receiving a re-evaluation. The proof is obvious; if notice is given to the kind and quality of solid, reasonable and responsible rehabilitation services to offenders, there will be a reduction in their re-arrest frequency. (Gendreau, 1996) Firm advocates of a rehabilitation schedule are fast to indicate recent public opinion developments sustaining alternatives to imprisonment. Nevertheless, a more evenhanded understanding of the developments in public opinion in this context points out that even as a preponderance of the American public espouses the employment of alternatives for specific kinds of offenders, they still desire firm and responsible alternatives that bear punishment-founded outcomes for offender disobedience. (Harlow et al., 1995) That is to say, the public desires, to some extent, vengeful justice.      Probation and parole's answer to the punishment schema was to some extent steep. Beginning in the 1980s, the area struggled to spruce up and repackage its laws, programs and practices in means that were considered to be in agreement with the existing punishment program. (Harlow et al, 1995) In brief, it was deemed that amplified employment of disciplinary practices would do what rehabilitation measures could not carry out. This means it could not boost public protection and in so doing make the most of the total taxpayer value. The whole variety of intermediate penalties and punishment agendas is evidence to the profession's shift clear of offender rehabilitation. The central rule features of these programs incorporated such practices as thorough surveillance by means of improved offender contacts; firm offender responsibility; concentration on negative outcomes for disobedience with regulations to the leaving out of positive returns for displaying suitable actions; and dutiful attempts to offer medical services to probationers and parolees.   These ground-breaking and supposed public protection probation and parole schemes appeared to take pleasure in the support from outer and inner stakeholders. Program reputation, nonetheless, was more a purpose of philosophy than empirical detail (Rhine and Paparozzi, 1999) And, at the same time as the program plans mollified the vengeful justice attitudes of much of the people, their program assessment results unquestionably recognized that such programs possesses no influence on individual offender recidivism and it has a unconstructive influence. Moreover, the augmented costs of these focused punishment-motivated measures created no public safety advantage.   Conclusion   All through the recent past, probation and parole has perceived the launch of partnerships with law enforcement agencies, civic organizations, social service providers and similar organizations. These partnerships, dissimilar to the previous iterations of them in the intermediary phase, are proper partnerships in the context that the shared influence of probation and parole professionals is not passive to other criminal justice associates.   In the up-and-coming collaborative diagram, probation and parole is frequently leaned on for management for attending to crime as a community-founded social dilemma. Taking into account the foundational community-founded derivations of probation and parole, it is very fitting that the profession guide and notify discussions in relation to best practices in this context. Probation and parole has provided new connotation to the ideas of assembling human and social capital in high-crime regions.   References   Clear, T.R. and J. Rumgay. (1992) Divided by a common language: British and American probation cultures. Federal Probation. 3(1):3-11. Dickey, W. and M. Smith. (1998) Rethinking probation. U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs Publication. Doble, J., S. Immerwahr and A. Richardson. (1991) Punishing criminals: The people of Delaware consider the options. New York: The Edna McConnell Clark Foundation. Gendreau, P. (1996) Offender rehabilitation: What we know and what needs to be done. Criminal Justice and Behavior. 23:144-161. Glaze, L., and Palla, S. (2004) Probation and Parole in the United States, 2003. Bureau of Justice Statistics. Available at: http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/ppus03.pdf . [Accessed 23/03/06] Harlow, R.E., J.M. Darley and P.H. Robinson. (1995) The severity of intermediate penal sanctions: A psychophysical scaling approach for obtaining community perceptions. Journal of Quantitative Criminology, 11(1):71-95. Rhine, E. and M. Paparozzi. (1999) Reinventing probation and parole: A matter of consequence. Corrections Management Quarterly, 3(2):47-52.

The Parole and Probation in the United States

Introduction This paper intends to look into the past and present condition of the parole and probation in the United States. A part of ...