CHAPTER 2

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

Adolescence has often been referred to as the link that connects the stage of childhood and adulthood; a stage that is both necessary and difficult. Tons of studies had been made in order to explain the adolescent stage and point the factors that affects the adolescences’ anxieties from the psychological, social and to the genetic explorations but none seem to provide a universally accepted reason for this occurrence.

 Adolescence is that period of life, which lies between childhood and adulthood. The adolescent is not a child, nor yet is he a mature human being. Common observation recognizes that there are transition years, when the boy or girl can no longer be treated as a child, although not yet full-grown. This age has been variously called "the awkward age," "the age of storm and stress," "the silly age." The girl is called "flapper," "gawk," "backfisch"; the boy is designated "jackanapes," "shaver," "stripling," "popinjay," "moon-calf," "greenhorn," or as in the southern part of the United States, "jelly bean." These terms describe the general callowness of the period, and the good-natured contempt in which it is held by the mature.

Approximately, adolescence is the period of the teens, covering thus about seven years of a person's immaturity. It is to be understood clearly that there are no sudden changes in the growing person, which definitely mark the beginning or the end of adolescence. The child grows by imperceptible degrees into the adolescent, and the adolescent turns by gradual degrees into the adult. The extreme gradualness of the change makes it (The Psychology of the Adolescent, 1928) hard for parents to realize that it is taking or has taken place, and this failure to perceive the transition from childhood brings many problems of adjustment into the life of the youth and of his parents as well.

            Colten and Gore (1991) asserted that emotions are social constructions, constituted within an individual's and a group's most strongly held values and beliefs about the world. Further, negative emotions, indicate points of friction between these values and beliefs and the world as it is. Early adolescence, they suggested, is a time when these internal representations are rapidly changing, fueled by cognitive development and an expanding domain of things that matter. The findings suggest that some of the more frequent negative experiences among adolescents may be a result not of an objectively harder, harsher world, but of subjective changes that make it seem harder. The adolescents as compared to the preadolescents more often explained their negative emotions in terms of a more distal world, including the feelings of others and anticipated future events.

            Smetane, Yau, Restrepo and Braeges (1991) demonstrated the utility of using adolescent-parent conflict as context for studying social-cognitive processes during adolescence. They also point to the importance of examining the coordination between adolescents' and parents' reasoning and between adolescents' and parents' reasoning and social interactions. Conflict provides a context for debates over the extent of adolescents' developing autonomy; in this respect, conflict can be seen as having an adaptive function during adolescence. However, the results of analyses reported here also indicate that conflict is related to more negative styles of parental and adolescent social interactions, styles that have been found in other research to inhibit adolescent development.

            David and Thomas (1994) explored the social interactional underpinnings of problem behavior lifestyles, focusing specifically on friendships and parent-child microsocial behavior patterns. Microsocial behavior (Behaviors such as "directives," "negative engagement," and "positive engagement" that summarize the moment-by-moment interactions with a friend are examples of specific, microsocial behaviors) can be empirically defined as rates per minute, proportion scores (unconditional probabilities), or conditional probabilities. They are typically derived from retrospective reports taken from a variety of reporting agents. Parent ratings of their adolescent's antisocial behavior or teacher reports of the number of peer conflicts at school are empirical definitions of traits or dispositions.

            Secondary schools typically present students with a range of information and a variety of ideas, and expect them to express themselves both orally and in writing (Moshman, 1999). According to Moshman (1999), secondary schools routinely exclude from their curricula ideas that are politically unacceptable, limit student access to alternative sources of information, and censor or punish students and teachers who address controversial topics or express views that school authorities deem offensive or dangerous. He proposed that the primary purpose of education should be the promotion of rationality; I then argue that the single most important thing secondary schools can do to promote rationality among adolescents.

            Failures in self-esteem can be dealt with by psychodynamic psychotherapy (Schwartzberg, 1998). According to Schwartzberg, the goal of treatment is to help the patient develop a realistic self-concept within the context of the therapeutic affiance. The grandiose veneer may often be a feeble attempt to ward off painful feelings of worthlessness; the therapist will help the patient relinquish pathological defenses for more mature ones such as sublimation, altruism, and humor (Schwartzberg, 1998). The adolescent should then be able to work through disappointments of the past and develop realistic plans for the future. Above an, successfully treated adolescents should be able to look in the mirror with self-respect, satisfied with the image they perceive.

            Experts have spoken of certain problems due to increase in size. There are various other emotional problems connected directly with adolescent growth. In the first place, some adolescents fear to grow up. They face each additional birthday with depression, and cling to their outgrown modes of dress. They view with anxiety every change in contour, and feel unnatural as the childish form disappears. Some are afraid they may not stop growing; others, that they will not grow enough. They have the fear, which comes from feeling at the mercy of a force outside their control. Those who actually fear the process of growth itself are probably few, however. The majority either does not particularly notice the gradual changes in size and shape, or else are proud of them.

More nearly universal are the feelings of awkwardness at being too big, and the embarrassment of stumbling about before the coordination of the members of the body has become established anew. All sorts of peculiar behavior arise from attempts to handle the body inconspicuously and successfully. Researchers cited a fourteen year-old boy took to tiptoeing all the time. When his annoyed mother reproved him, he became sullen, but sympathetic questioning elicited the fact that he tiptoed for fear of making too much noise with such beastly large shoes. A girl of fifteen constantly assumed a semi- crouching posture when with groups of people, by bending the knees. Psychological examination discovered that the girl sought thus to seem smaller, because she simply could not stand to be so awfully tall. Another girl refused to attend church, because her neck felt so long in church, with every one looking at it. A boy of fourteen stubbornly refused to sing at school, because of his changing voice, and had a somewhat protracted struggle with the teacher of music. Still another boy relates that when he went with his parents to the city, and to the Museum of Art, he had to take off his shoes about every fifteen minutes to rest his feet, and had become about a size and a half too small for me since they were bought. The shoes next purchased for this boy were three sizes larger than those in which he visited the museum! The boy said, that suffered untold pain in those shoes, but his father insisted he must wear them out, as they cost eight dollars.

Introduction into the habit of shaving is sometimes accompanied by appreciable anxiety. Experts also add, One-man reports, for instance, that he was much surprised and hurt when as a boy he was presented with a shaving set for Christmas. He was filled with strange and disagreeable emotions at the thought that he should be expected to shave. Another, on the contrary, considered that he should begin to shave at the age of thirteen years, and being unable to convince his parents of his need, formed the habit of sitting with his hand over his mouth and chin much of the time. The psychology of shaving is sufficiently important to demand some thought and conscious planning on the part of parents, so that the habit may come about naturally and without unnecessary conflict.

By far the most troublesome anxieties arising from development itself are those connected with the maturing sex functions. The girl who has not been rightly instructed concerning menstruation may suffer severe fright and other undesirable emotions upon perceiving the signs of this function. Sometimes a girl will live for months in chronic anxiety as to the meaning of what is happening to her. Unwholesome instruction is as bad as or worse than no instruction in this matter. The depressing terms commonly used in designating this function, which classify it as an illness, are terrifying, and so are the vague words that suggest the approach of nameless calamity, that there is something is going to happen to them. The whispered tones in which it is not infrequently thought proper by the parent to convey the instruction, tend to excite shame or disgust, or both. The whole psychology of this natural function should be revised in such a way that it can be referred to in a natural tone of voice, and as a commonplace function of the healthy body. At present there survives in modern attitudes too much of the savage's dread of the mysterious.

Also, the uninstructed or ill instructed boy may be subject to very acute emotional disturbances, when the seminal vesicles first begin to overflow. In normal boys this overflow occurs at intervals, and they should be educated to expect its occurrence, and to have no fears in regard to it. Unfortunately many boys are left to meet the new function without any correct idea of its meaning, and becoming fearful they fall into the hands of fakers, who purposely increase their anxieties in order to obtain money for alleged treatment of what is a normal manifestation. The cruelest emotional conflicts may thus of parents and other guardians to instruct the young as to what is usual in sexual development (The Psychology of Adolescents, 1928).  In support to the study, experts provide four treatments with a kindergarten children, the first pairs of children enacted situations in which one person needed help, and another one provided it; then the second is similar to the first condition, except that situations were described and not enacted, and children were asked how help could be provided; then the third is a combination of role playing and discussion; then the last is a control children enacted roles unrelated to helping.

During the testing phase of the experiment an experimenter took each child to a playroom and left him there briefly while she went into an adjoining room to checking who’s girl is playing. Then she returned and told the child that the girl was playing next door and that he (or she) could play with anything in the playroom. Shortly after she left, the child heard a crash from the adjoining room, followed by sounds of distress and sobbing (actually tape-recorded). While this was going on, the experimenter was watching the child's behavior through a one-way mirror. If the child went to the adjoining room to help, the experimenter appeared and explained the experiment to the child. If not, the experimenter waited for a minute and then entered the room to elicit his reaction to the sounds of distress. Each child who participated also received a bag of candy--his choice out of three kinds available. The child was then told that if he wished, some of the candy could be donated for another child who was ill and whose parents were unable to buy him anything for his birthday.

Results indicated that role-playing and discussion of helping behavior had some tendency to facilitate helping of the fictitious child in distress. Although results were not clear-cut, girls were more inclined to offer help than boys. When it came to sharing of candy, however, boys were more inclined to do so than girls, especially if they had engaged in role-playing.

            As the child passes from infancy into toddler hood, the social aspects of his environment begin to be important. What families contribute, through their structure, is a sense of security. Structure refers to the predictability and stability of social relationships and implies some kind of hierarchy of authority. Today's families are becoming less structured. The ecology of the home is reflected not only by the physical conditions that prevail but also by the degree of orderliness that characterizes the activities that take place there. Much research has focused on childrearing practices, a major feature of the child's home environment. Baumrind, who investigated the relationship between the behavior of parents and the personality patterns of their preschool children, found that self-reliant children tended to have parents who rated high on parental control, parent-child communication, parental nurturance, and parental demands for maturity. The parents of anxious, restless, and depressed children tended to score lower on control and maturity demands, communicated less, and were not very supportive. Parents of immature children showed average support and nurturance, but scored negatively in all other respects. The well-adjusted child gets both firm control and love, and the immature child gets very little control and few demands for mature behavior.

In a second study, Baumrind explored other aspects of the relationship between parental behavior and children's personality traits. One dimension she investigated was independence, characterized by dominance, purposefulness, and achievement orientation. Baumrind found that firm parental control and demands for maturity are not detrimental to the development of independence. She differentiated among several types of parents. The authoritarian parent evaluates the child's behavior according to some set of absolute standards and demands unquestioning obedience. The authoritative parent directs the child in a rational manner that is oriented to issues. Although firm control is exercised, the child is respected as an individual. The permissive parent is nonpunitive and accepting with regard to the child's impulses. The children of authoritative parents were found to be friendlier, more cooperative, and more achievement-oriented. Baumrind also observed that authoritative parents who were nonconforming tended to have independent, purposive, and dominant boys, but that their daughters tended to be hostile and resistive.

 

Much research has focused on the mother-child relationship. Bayley and Schaefer correlated dimensions of earlier maternal behavior with IQs taken when the child was older. Their findings suggest that boys tend to benefit from more intense mothering, but girls respond better to maternal encouragement for autonomy. A study assessing the home environment of language-delayed children and normal children revealed that the mothers of language-delayed children were more critical, praised seldom, and were less involved with them. Other research by Bayley indicated that preschool boys who experience supportive behavior from their mothers are likely to be better adjusted socially during the school years.

Children from father-absent homes are less willing to accept delay of gratification than other children. Father absence is also somewhat associated with social maladjustment, retarded development in moral judgment, and misbehavior on the part of boys. It makes a difference why the father is absent. Boys whose mothers were widowed are somewhat better adjusted than those whose mothers are divorced, and the earlier the separation occurred, the worse the adjustment. Most of the research on father absence focuses on its effect on boys, but a study by Hetherington indicates that the daughters of widows tended to avoid contact with male peers, whereas the daughters of divorcees displayed the opposite behavior. Although parents make an important contribution to the psychological welfare of young children, some research studies show that institutions that provide a friendly and stimulating atmosphere can also have a positive effect on children's cognitive and emotional development.

Socioeconomic status (SES) is determined by who associates with whom in a community. SES is highly correlated with education. Studies of child-rearing patterns indicate that working-class and other lower-class families emphasize obedience and tend to punish severely, whereas middle-class families are more permissive and stress independence, dependability, self-control, and consideration for others. The tendency of lower-class parents to treat children more harshly than do middle-class parents appears in a number of cultures and countries. In an experiment in which mothers observed their children working on a problem, lower-class mothers were inclined to be more critical and restrictive, whereas middle-class mothers expressed more approval and encouraged independence.

Research by Werner on a largely nonwhite sample of children in Hawaii showed that the single most important determinant of IQ was a variable she called educational stimulation, a composite rating of work habits at home, family intellectual activities, availability of books, and the like. But another experiment indicates that stimulation alone is not enough, for if it is too random and disorganized, it is not reinforcing. Hence middle-class children exposed to random reinforcement learn no better than lower-class children under similar conditions. Children, especially during their earliest years, encounter difficulties in maintaining normal cognitive development if there is no order or predictability in the stimuli in their environment. A child growing up in crowded circumstances experiences a great many random and distracting stimuli; such circumstances are likely to prevail in the crowded homes of the poor. This may account for the tendency of early born children (whose earlier years are spent in less crowded homes) to score higher in intelligence tests than waterborne. As time spacing between children increases, the advantage of early-born children tends to disappear.

Havighurst maintains that children must learn how to respond to systems of ego rather than id rewards, if they are going to find their way in a complex, changing society. Some ethnic groups emphasize id rewards and thus make it difficult for their children to adapt, but the main differences in this respect tend to be SES, rather than ethnic. For example, differences in school achievement between black and white children can be better explained in terms of a higher proportion of the black children coming from lower-SES homes, rather than in ethnic terms.( Watson R. I., Lindgren H.C , 1979).

Pubertal maturation, its process and timing, often results in intense self-consciousness, self-concern, and preoccupation. In a longitudinal study of 335 sixth to eighth graders from middle-class school districts in New York, Roberts, Sarigiani, Petersen, and Newman ( 1990 ) found that later pubertal timing was associated with better adjustment for both boys and girls. In contrast, Hamburg ( 1974 ) reported that the early-maturing boys and late-maturing girls tended to adapt more positively to pubertal changes than late-maturing boys and early-maturing girls.

            Current research supports the notion that girls tend to have less favorable perceptions of their bodies than boys ( Benson, M. P. Strommen, & Gavin, 1987; Offer, Ostrov, Howard, & Atkinson 1988; Roberts et al., 1990; Rauste-von Wright, 1989). Roberts et al. found that boys' body image improved with increasing pubertal status, whereas girls' body image declined as they matured. Benson et al. found that "at all grade levels, 5th through 9th, girls expressed less satisfaction with their bodies than did boys and the satisfaction level decreased across the five years, with boys staying relatively stable" (p. 45). Rauste-von Wright study ( 1989 ) of Finnish 11- to 18-year-old boys and girls indicated that boys were more satisfied with various body parts than girls at all age levels.

A racial difference between White and Black junior high and middle school girls was found by Gibbs ( 1985 ). Black adolescent girls had a slightly higher score for body image than did White girls. High body-image scores were related to high per capita income as reported by Offer et al. ( 1988 ) in their cross-cultural study.

Thus, for the most part, investigators have found that boys are more positive about body image than girls. Further, Black girls in particular and other early teens whose families were in high income brackets tended to report better body-image perceptions than their counterparts.  

Researchers also reported that adolescents felt they had control over their lives and usually were relaxed and happy. However, psychological self-adjustment has been found to vary according to gender, race, and socioeconomic status ( Gibbs, 1985; Offer et al., 1988). Black adolescent girls scored lower on impulse control than did White girls ( Gibbs, 1985). Economically advantaged youth tended to have a more positive emotional tone and better social relationships than disadvantaged youth ( Offer et al., 1988).

Aspects of sexual development vary between boys and girls. Greater interest in and positive feelings about sexuality were reported more often by boys than by girls ( Offer et al., 1988). Boys attended sexy shows, enjoyed dirty jokes, and admitted that sexual experiences gave them pleasure more often than girls. Benson et al. ( 1987 ) documented that boys think and talk frequently of sex, admit to being in love with someone of the opposite sex, and are opposed less to premarital sexual intercourse than girls.

The coping ability and sources of stress for adolescents have been studied. Among a normative group of adolescents, Offer et al. ( 1981 ) found that a minority of the sample described themselves as depressed, anxious, emotionally empty, or confused. The majority of the group reported coping well with day-to-day stresses In Offer et al.'s most recent work ( 1988 ), adolescents reported that they did advance planning for new situations and tried ways to avoid failure.

Bukowski, Inderbitzen and Walters (1997) examined the relation between sociometric nominations and social anxiety in adolescence from grade 6-9. Results indicated that students classified as rejected and neglected reported more social anxiety than those classified as average, popular, or controversial. In addition, submissive rejected students reported significantly more social anxiety than did aggressive rejected or average students.

The worries and concerns of young adolescents were included in a national study by Benson et al. ( 1987 ). Girls reported greater worry than boys about: (a) their looks, (b) how well their peers liked them, and (c) sexual abuse. When compared with girls, boys reported greater worry about acts of violence and about their future vocation.

Sources and intensity of stressful situations for preadolescent children (fifth grade) were explored by Lewis, Siegel, and Lewis ( 1984 ). Anxieties related to conflict with parents, self-image, peer-group relationships, and geographic mobility were identified as three main sources of stress. Gibbs ( 1985 ), using Offer's questionnaire, reported higher than normal scores for Black girls in the areas of psychopathology and superior adjustment. However, Black girls' scores were lower than White girls' scores for mastery of the external world.

In terms of psychological and social aspects of development, the early adolescent has been found to be well adjusted and possess adequate coping abilities. Boys generally demonstrated greater interest in sex than girls. Some psychological and social differences are noteworthy in terms of race and family income.  

During early adolescence, social roles and relationships change. Although the influence of peers and the desire to conform is strong, young adolescents confirmed the importance of family ( Benson et al., 1987; Offer et al., 1988). Girls, however, tended to have more difficulties in getting along with parents than boys. Self reported conflict between parents and young adolescent girls increased at each grade level ( Benson et al., 1987; Roberts et al., 1990) and greater anger and negative feeling toward fathers was reported by Black girls than by White girls ( Gibbs, 1985).

The social stresses that occur during early adolescence often are associated with changes in the environment. The process of changing schools from an elementary school with one teacher to a junior high or middle school with multiple teachers may pose an additional challenge for early adolescents. This change often is accompanied by increased academic standards and greater teacher expectations resulting in a fear of failure ( Benson et al., 1987). Roberts et al. ( 1990 ) found that self-esteem decreased for pubertal girls who had started dating during the change from an elementary school setting to a junior high school setting. Others have found that while school transfer was not a source of distress, the self-image of girls generally was lower than boys during the sixth to eighth grade time period ( Abramowitz, Petersen, & Schulenberg, 1984).

Family structure and parental occupation have an effect on family relationships, according to Risman and Park ( 1988 ). In a study of parent-child relationships where 94% of the sample of male and female single parents had a preteen child, unemployed parents reported more problems with their children than parents who were employed. Current research diminishes the popularly held beliefs that adolescents are self-centered and are not interested in their future. Adolescents revealed that they do think about and plan for what they will do in the future ( Offer et al., 1988). According to Benson et al. ( 1987 ), girls reported higher achievement orientation than boys at each grade level from fifth grade to ninth grade. However, Roberts et al. ( 1990 ) found that high achievement in school was related to a decrease in self-image for girls during the seventh to eighth grade time period.

Girls reported a greater commitment to others, social awareness, and endorsement of traditional values than boys ( Benson et al., 1987). Concern for girls than by boys identified friends, family, and people of the world more often. Boys tended to compare less favorably than girls in the area of antisocial behavior ( Benson et al., 1987). Boys than girls reported physical violence and standard breaking, in the forms of lying, stealing, and cheating more often. Social alienation was highest for fifth graders and higher for boys than for girls. Girls reported greater friendship-making skills than boys.

Girls, it has been found repeatedly by investigators, pay greater attention to roles and relationships than boys and this becomes increasingly more apparent during the early adolescent years. Girls were found to have more role and relationship conflicts and a greater achievement orientation than did boys. Boys tended to be less conforming to roles and relationships than girls.

Self-image has been used as a means of understanding how adolescents perceive themselves and their adjustment to the process of adolescence. The work of Offer et al. ( 1981 ) suggests that middle and late adolescents have the capacity for self reflection and can be trusted to share their experiences with others. Furthermore, self-image has been described as a multidimensional concept that aims at identifying various facets of the personality ( Offer et al., 1988).

Recent research findings suggest that, generally, adolescence is a time of normative change and competent functioning ( Ambramowitz et al., 1984). Ambramowitz et al. found that of the nine areas of self-image studied, five changed positively (emotional tone, social relations, mastery of the external world, impulse control, and psychopathology), two remained stable (family relations and vocational educational goals), and two declined (body image and superior adjustment) during the sixth to eighth grades. Offer et al. ( 1981 ) found that adolescents described themselves positively in terms of five aspects of the self: psychological, social, sexual, familial, and coping. Examination of gender differences revealed that early adolescent boys reported having a more positive view of themselves, greater antisocial behavior, fewer family conflicts, more open sexual attitudes, and less stress in their lives than girls of the same ages ( Ambramowitz et al., 1984; Benson et al., 1987; Offer et al., 1981, 1988; Rauste von-Wright, 1989).

            Based on the literature, early adolescents are challenged by their transitions and experience conflicts in body image, social and psychological self-perceptions, and roles and relationships. As community health nurses (CHNs) and school nurses, it is important to periodically reassess the aggregates conceptualization of self and design interventions to assist families and communities through these transitions. Thus, this study was designed to survey a representative sample of early adolescents to investigate their level of self-image and to examine any differences in self-image by gender, race, or parental occupation. These data should be used to design self-image-promoting strategies (Pletsch P.K , Johnson M.K , et al, 1991) in the composite studies made by different experts regarding differences of anxieties and fears, it only shows that such differences vary to different kinds of environment and mentor. the way that the students feel is much being understood by experts and teachers rather than being plain parents. they are much knowledgeable in some matters like statistical data, proper execution of words and even methods of handling this problems, but being parents is it their duty to provided the proper communication to their child regarding to their fears and anxieties. Home is the natural base of all components of being what their siblings are going to be in later life. Proper programming to a child’s characteristics gives them the edge in getting through such changes.

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Andrews, David and Dishion, Thomas, “The Microsocial Structure Underpinnings          of Adolescent Problem Behavior”, In Ketterlinus, Robert and Lamb,  Michael, Adolescent Problem Behaviors: Issues and Research, Lawrence   Erlbaum Associates, 1994

 

Brandon, Marian, Hinings, Diana, Howe, David and Schofield, Attachment           Theory, Child Maltreatment, and Family Support: A Practice and        Assessment Model,  Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1999

 

Bukowski, Anita, Inderbitzen, Heide and Walters, Kenneth, The Role of Social     Anxiety in Adolescent Peer Relations: Differences among Sociometric            Status Groups and Rejected Subgroups, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates,           1997

 

Colten, Ellen and Gore, Susan, Adolescent Stress: Causes and Consequences, Aldine De Gruyter, 1991

 

Florian, Mario Mikulincer, “The Relationship between Adult Attachment Styles     and Emotional and Cognitive Reactions to Stressful Events”, In Rholes,   Steven and Simpson, Jeffry, Attachment Theory and Close Relationships,   Guilford Press, 1998

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Smetane, Judith, Yau, Jenny, Restrepo, Angela and Braeges, Judith, Conflict      and Adaptation in Adolescence: Adolescent-Parent Conflict, In Colten,    Ellen and Gore, Susan, Adolescent Stress: Causes and Consequences,          Aldine De Gruyter, 1991

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